Saturday, October 30, 2010

Alachua County's poverty rate increased in 2009 says census | Gainesville.com

Alachua County's poverty rate increased in 2009 says census | Gainesville.com


Poverty takes toll in Alachua County
Area aid agencies and charities are being stretched even more by a new group of working poor.


By Anthony Clark
Business editor

Published: Saturday, October 30, 2010 at 2:26 p.m.
Last Modified: Saturday, October 30, 2010 at 8:58 p.m.
Alachua County's economy hasn't hurt as much as most of Florida's, but it still has taken an increasing toll on families living at the edge, with more falling into poverty or needing help with food, rent, mortgages and electric bills.

Click to enlarge
Social service providers say a new group of working poor who have lost jobs or had their hours cut find themselves in need, putting an additional strain on area aid agencies and charities.

The percentage of people in Alachua County below the poverty level increased in 2009 to 24.2 percent from 20.6 percent in 2008, according to the most recent numbers available from the U.S. Census Bureau.

The numbers are skewed by the large population of college students with little income who accounted for 45 percent of Alachua's impoverished in 2009. Removing college undergraduates from the poverty numbers leaves Alachua County's poverty rate at 13.3 percent.

Florida's poverty rate increased from 13.2 percent to 14.9 percent in 2009, while the U.S. rate rose from 13.2 percent to 14.3 percent.

The 2009 poverty level was $10,956 for an individual and $21,954 for a family of four. It originally was set at three times a family's basic food costs and is revised annually to reflect the cost of living.

The census estimates can have significant margins of error at the county level because of smaller survey samples, said Rebecca Rust, chief economist of the Florida Agency for Workforce Innovation.

That might explain why Alachua's poverty rate for all people increased significantly — with a margin of error of plus or minus 2.6 percentage points — while the child poverty rate decreased from 18.8 percent in 2008 to 17.1 percent last year, with a margin of error of 4.7 percentage points.

Still, other more recent statistics bear out an increasing level of need in the community.

The number of food stamp clients in September increased 20 percent from the prior year to 32,962, while the number of Medicaid clients increased 8 percent to 26,872, according to the Florida Department of Children and Families.

Becky O'Brien of DCF's Gainesville office said her agency sees a lot of people who lost work in construction, seasonal work such as landscaping, wait staff at restaurants or other hourly workers.

"A lot of those folks are right at the margins of meeting their bills anyway if they're in a minimum wage job, so any decrease is going to impact their ability to meet their families' needs," she said.

The increased economic stress has repercussions throughout the social safety-net system, with more reports of child and domestic abuse, drug and alcohol abuse and requests to agencies and charities that provide services and help with expenses.

Karen Slevin, chief operating officer of Catholic Charities Inc. of Gainesville, said the charity has always served what she calls its traditional clients: people who grew up in poverty and now their children are in poverty. But about two years ago, the charity started seeing a new group of working poor — some who considered themselves middle class — seeking help for rent, utilities and food.

"In a lot of cases, they used to be donors or volunteers," she said. "Now they find themselves where they need the help."

At the same time, overall donations are down a little, Slevin said. They have been able to meet food demands, but have a limited budget for rent, utilities or prescriptions, she said.

"We have 200, 250 calls a week for mortgage assistance and can maybe accommodate 20 people a month," she said.

The new needy present new challenges, as many don't know where to go for services, she said.

They also tend to wait too long to ask for help.

"It's really hard for people who have not needed help to ask for help," she said. "If you're somebody who finds yourself needing help, ask early. That's what we're here for. Sometimes people wait too long, and then there's no way you can help them. If they missed a month's mortgage payment you can help them, but in three months you just can't."

Children in poverty also present challenges for the school system.

Diana Lagotic, director of elementary curriculum for Alachua County schools, said many have not had preschool and are not as prepared to start school. They sense their parents' stress and don't get enough sleep because their parents work two jobs or work late. They often have health and nutrition needs that aren't being met. Many change schools two or three times in a year as their parents have to move.

Schools have programs to help with food and health needs and train principals and teachers to address other needs.

"We can provide a safe learning environment, be appropriate role models, teach them positive self talk, teach them how to plan and set up goals for themselves, teach them how to get access to information that will help them, promote successful behavior and appropriate choices."

The percentage of students receiving free or reduced-price lunch has risen each of the past four years and is on pace to top last year's 50.4 percent, according to schools spokeswoman Jackie Johnson. Even more are eligible, but they can't always track down parents with applications, and older students are more reluctant to apply, she said.

Thursday, October 28, 2010

A quick little rant on The Culture of Poverty and frustrating concepts more generally � Another student blog

A quick little rant on The Culture of Poverty and frustrating concepts more generally

A quick little rant on The Culture of Poverty and frustrating concepts more generally

By Tracey

Last week someone I follow on twitter tweeted a link (is this the right way to describe such an action?) to a NYT article by Patricia Cohen ‘‘Culture of Poverty’ Makes a Comeback’. Reading it at the train station I remember being glad that I was not in front of my computer because the risk of shooting off a poorly written blog post about it was rather high.

It turns out that my post really is not needed because a summary of responses to this article has even made it onto the most recent ‘Around the web’ post over at Savage Minds.

There are four concepts that I find frustrating but that I keep coming back to

  • Community
  • Social inclusion
  • Social capital
  • The culture of poverty

The culture of poverty probably has the least to do with my project as I am sure I will not end up being able to make claims either for or against the notion that people who share a position in the economic order share a way of doing life if that position in the economic order happens to be being poor. It is a concept that I really dislike because, while I think that people do life differently and their experiences and the experiences of those around them have a significant role to play in this, the Culture of Poverty is a concept that does not encourage exploration of the actually occuring universals and particularities. (Plus, I am pretty sure, Wacquant’s empirical work has disproved it all anyway.)

More generally, finding such frustrating concepts every way I turn in my project is making writing a lot less appealing. Even in this post, I feel like mentioning ‘the culture of poverty’ is rather paralysing because I know there is so much to be double checked and cited, with so much of that material being significant but not all that helpful for getting to my point. Should I just take the risk of leaving things out, say what I want and then add in referenced material later? Well, I am sure what I should do is to face the fact that not everything is fun and just get my confirmation report done.

The Emotional Power of the "Culture of Poverty"

The Emotional Power of the "Culture of Poverty"

10-25-10

The Emotional Power of the "Culture of Poverty"

By Patricia Cohen

Patricia Cohen writes about arts and ideas for the New York Times.

I am a longtime admirer of Mr. Patterson’s work, so I am particularly distressed that he found my Oct. 17 article off base. In this case, however, I think he misread or misinterpreted what I wrote about the Moynihan report and poverty studies.

I was very careful to write that Moynihan’s report popularized the idea of the culture of poverty—not that he made up the term or specifically used it. That is because while others in academic and policy circles had used the expression and were familiar with the idea, it wasn’t until the Moynihan report that it became headline news and entered the public discourse in a big way. Michael Harrington’s book did much to bring the issue of poverty to public attention but it was not the notion of a culture of poverty—with its controversial connotations of “blaming the victim” —that captured attention. Ideas frequently have a life before they become a common part of the national conversation. The rising black power and women’s movements—which found Moynihan’s language about ghetto life and a matriarchy particularly offensive—certainly influenced the reception of this particular iteration as opposed to previous ones. In any case, the fact that it was the never-published Moynihan report that precipitated such a widespread and ferocious response is clear evidence that it was this particular document—as opposed to earlier ones—that caught the public’s eye.

There is obviously much to be written about the history of the Moynihan report alone. It is worthy of a book, as Mr. Patterson notes. I have read much about the report — first studying it in graduate school, and then, in preparation for the story, re-reading the report itself very carefully, along with the extensive commentary in that special issue of the Annals on the Moynihan report from 2007 edited by Doug Massey and Robert Sampson, as well as the new Annals issue on culture and poverty. I also interviewed many of the top scholars on the subject, including Mr. Massey, Mr. Sampson and William Julius Wilson, to mention just three noted by Mr. Patterson.

Unfortunately, in a single, 1,200-word newspaper article there is only so much background that can fit. I did try to make clear through the comments of Doug Massey that Moynihan’s work was grossly distorted. Indeed, Moynihan paid special attention to the structural causes of poverty and was both a keen analyst and visionary thinker. As many people have pointed out, most of the critics at the time never even read the report. But since I write for a newspaper, this story was not focused primarily on a retrospective look at the Moynihan report, but rather one that reported on the latest work in the field.

Recognizing just how explosive some of these ideas still are, I was very careful to double and triple check the nuances of my story with experts. I was very gratified to receive many complimentary notes on the story and its accuracy from eminent scholars in the field, including Robert Sampson and William Julius Wilson.

As for Mr. Patterson’s specific criticisms, it is simply incorrect to say that in the article I “missed [Moynihan's] message that white racism and economic injustice are the sources of black family disintegration, and that the ‘tangle of pathology,’ though savage, is not ‘inescapable.’”

To quote from the story:

With these studies come many new and varied definitions of culture, but they all differ from the ‘60s-era model in these crucial respects: Today, social scientists are rejecting the notion of a monolithic and unchanging culture of poverty. And they attribute destructive attitudes and behavior not to inherent moral character but to sustained racism and isolation.

That point is reiterated with quotes from Mr. Wilson, in reference to his response to the 1994 book “The Bell Curve”:

Professor Wilson said… “they had not captured the cumulative effects of living in poor, racially segregated neighborhoods.” He added, “I realized we needed a comprehensive measure of the environment, that we must consider structural andcultural forces.”

Given Mr. Patterson’s abiding interest in poverty, it is surprising he doesn’t find the renewed interest in culture and poverty “newsworthy.” Clearly those who actually study poverty do. That is why there was a special issue of the Annals devoted to culture and poverty that begins by noting “Culture is back on the poverty research agenda,” adding “scholars have begun to explore a long-abandoned topic.” The wave of fresh research was pointed out to me when I attended the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association this summer. One panel devoted to the subject noted: “After decades of neglect—following in the wake of the controversial ‘culture of poverty’ thesis—there has been a resurgence of scholarship at the intersection of culture and poverty.”

These points and others are in my story (as are links to the relevant papers and meetings), which can be found athttp://nyti.ms/bjH3HF.

The inaccurate characterization of what was actually printed seems to me further evidence of just how much emotional power the term “culture of poverty” still holds and why people have been so reluctant to use it. The phrase evokes such a strong response that readers can end up missing what is actually being said.

The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education by Diane Ravitch

The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education by Diane Ravitch

THE DEATH AND LIFE OF THE GREAT AMERICAN SCHOOL SYSTEM: HOW TESTING AND CHOICE ARE UNDERMINING EDUCATION BY DIANE RAVITCH
BY MARK OSMOND
A broad consensus on education policy has emerged over the past decade, with liberals and conservatives alike championing accountability and choice in America’s public schools. Diane Ravitch, an education scholar who pushed for market-based reforms during her tenure in the U.S. federal government (George H.W. Bush and Clinton administrations), recently defected from this movement. Her latest book explains why.

With remarkable clarity and authority, Ravitch, now a research professor of education at New York University and a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, offers a reality check to those with blind faith in charter schools and high-stakes standardized testing. Even her critics will be forced to acknowledge the evenhanded way she approaches the facts. Few will finish The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice Are Undermining Education convinced that market principles represent the elixir that can transform troubled U.S. school districts. But does the author succeed in showing that these reforms should be largely abandoned? Perhaps not.

One of the impressions left with this reader is, in turning on many of the reforms she helped launch, Ravitch has created a false dichotomy. Market-friendly policy and solid curricula are not mutually exclusive. In fact, simply jettisoning the market ideas that Ravitch once championed may not only be facile, it could also be dangerous, as scholars enthusiastically embrace each new fad, refusing to recognize the merits or lessons of the last.

In her early scholarly work, Ravitch consistently held that there were “no shortcuts, no utopias, and no silver bullets” in education. Influenced by her colleagues, however, she abandoned this caution while serving as assistant secretary of education during the George H.W. Bush administration. She ultimately bought into the hype that the market’s magic could work wonders for schools. The idea seemed theoretically sound: “Free of direct government control, the schools would be innovative, hire only the best teachers, get rid of incompetent teachers, set their own pay scales, compete for students (customers), and be judged solely by their results (test scores and graduation rates).”

Any honest jury would agree that the results have been disappointing. The book dedicates substantial attention to the “data wars” in the public vs. charter school rivalry, concluding that they have produced no clear victor. Test scores are sometimes viewed as the equivalent of the corporate bottom line. But the book shows how high-stakes testing has resulted in what Ravitch has previously described as “Enron-style” accounting with questionable data and results. Tying funding to scores has encouraged states to dumb down their exams, creating illusory progress to ensure that federal dollars keep coming in. Punitive testing has led educators to focus on basic skills and test-taking strategies at the expense of liberal arts and the sciences.

State scores have steadily climbed since the passage of No Child Left Behind (NCLB) in 2001. But this progress proves to be a mirage after a look at the largely flat performance on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), the federal assessment program. Texas, for example, claimed that 85.1 percent of its students were proficient readers in 2007, but NAEP results put the number at only 28.6 percent.

The book offers ground-level accounts of how recent reforms have played out in New York City and San Diego. Alan Bersin, San Diego schools superintendent, worked to “jolt the system” on the basis of three axioms: “1) Do it fast, 2) Do it deep, 3) Take no prisoners.” The massive firing and reshuffling of personnel that ensued recall the corporate raids of the 1980s. Teachers became frightened as pressure to perform mounted. Mega-rich foundations awarded the districts millions of dollars to help finance the reforms. Yet no clear gains in student achievement resulted.

Shortcomings and collateral damage associated with NCLB-inspired reforms led the author to abandon the movement she helped build. Her 180-degree turn is understandable, but perhaps premature. The book’s arguments against no-excuses education policy take aim at poor implementation, but the execution of ideas might be improved without ditching the principles behind them. Ms. Ravitch demonstrates that firebrand reformers are not always effective: test scores can be a dangerous shortcut for evaluation; overemphasizing basic skills diminishes time for history, literature and foreign languages; and education policy must go deeper than simple rewards and sanctions. But solutions to each of these problems might still be found in a market-oriented framework.

It is important to remember that demands for reform sprung from depressing disparities in student achievement. Barely half of African-American and Hispanic students finish high school with a diploma compared to more than three-quarters of their Caucasian peers. These failures cannot be pinned solely on inner-city schools. Other forces associated with socioeconomic status are hugely influential, but the public education system has been complacent to some extent. This is why her proposal to turn back to the status quo—albeit with upgrades that include more resources and better-trained teachers—is suspect.

The odds are against teachers of poor students. The families of such students are more likely to be passive, neglectful or helpless when it comes to their children’s education. Reformers do need to acknowledge this. But even acknowledging the importance of family factors, accountability and choice might still be effective. Waves of no-holds-barred reform are perhaps unproductive, but when cutbacks are necessary, the worst teachers should be pink-slipped, even if they have seniority. This is businesslike, but it is also commonsense.

The book argues that accountability distracts policymakers from what schools need most: “a well-conceived, coherent, sequential curriculum.” A strong curriculum, the author says, sets apart nations that outperform the U.S. on international assessments, such as Finland and Japan, as well as states with exceptional track records, such as Massachusetts and Minnesota.

Recent events show that market-driven reforms can accompany curriculum improvement on the education agenda. In late March, President Barack Obama announced the winners of the Race to the Top initiative, which awards federal funds to states that make reforms promoting choice and accountability. Two months later, the curriculum movement reached a milestone when a consortium of state organizations released the Common Core State Standards to help synchronize educational expectations across the country.

On charter schools, Ravitch rightly notes that their quality ranges from “excellent to awful.” U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan, who is the bête noire of his field in the author’s eyes, recently acknowledged that about 200 of the nation’s 5,000 worst performing schools are charters. This embarrassment, however, is not evidence of reform going too far, but not far enough. Shutting down subpar charter schools is supposed to be a core component of this system.

Many of the book’s objections to choice and accountability can be met with similar rejoinders. Informed by the problems she documents, policy implementation should be improved before governments prematurely abandon market ideas in education. To ensure that her criticism is addressed, education advocates of all stripes should put this book on their must-read list.

Educational Entrepreneurs' Dilemma


BY FERNANDO M. REIMERS
School reform needs innovation. Inertia and resistance to change threaten to close it off.
The celebration of two centuries of independent republican life in Latin America is an appropriate time to assess past achievements, current challenges and future opportunities. Nowhere is that critical examination more timely and necessary than for the educational institutions that were created precisely to prepare Latin American citizens for self-rule. Schools and universities in Latin America were reinvented after independence to allow the new independent political order to flourish.

Unfortunately, politics, economics and excessive bureaucratic regulations have failed the original intentions of the region’s educational founders and stifled innovation.

It’s useful, as a start, to reexamine those original intentions to remind ourselves of what still needs to be done. Francisco de Miranda, Simón Bolívar, José de San Martín, Miguel Hidalgo, and José Artigas shared many of the ideas of eighteenth-century Enlightenment thinkers regarding the role of education. They were aware, for example, of the views of Jean-Jacques Rousseau regarding the role of education in supporting the legitimacy of a social contract of rights and liberties, and in maximizing human potential.

Such ideas influenced the creation of the public education systems of Latin America, as well as of the education systems of Europe and the United States.1 Over the past 200 years, these systems expanded to provide the majority of the population with the opportunity to complete a basic education and allowed a growing number to proceed to high school and college.

The early leaders not only advocated for public education; they created the institutions that made expansion of access possible, and they advanced the policies and programs supported by some of Europe’s leading educators.

During a trip to London in 1810 to request financial support for the independence effort, Andrés Bello persuaded Simón Bolívar to visit Joseph Lancaster, who had invented the “monitorial” system of education, an approach that expanded the reach of tutors by getting them to work with monitors—more advanced students who delivered a curriculum to students grouped by age. This innovation of the early nineteenth century proved effective in educating large numbers of children at a modest cost and stimulated the creation of public education systems. Bolívar invited Lancaster to travel to the new republics once they were independent, and Lancaster indeed lived in Caracas from 1825 to 1827, where he oversaw the extension of the approach he had developed to a number of the newly created public schools. His methodology was further extended to support the creation of public education systems in Bogotá, Lima, Mexico, and Quito.

Ambition Meets Disappointment
Given these auspicious beginnings and the clear alignment of the establishment of public education systems with the political goal of contributing to the consolidation of independent life, we might expect Latin American education systems to be global exemplars. In fact, while there are undoubtedly important examples of significant developments in education in many countries in the region, there is a growing awareness of the deficiencies. The educational systems failed most tragically in their incapacity to prepare all students for the kind of engaged citizenship necessary for effective democratic rule, to contribute to the global competitiveness of the economies in Latin America, or to reduce poverty and inequality.

Global cross-national assessments of student skills, in which Latin American students systematically obtain the lowest scores, justify the widespread disappointment. Latin America’s educational failings have been consistently documented in research conducted by the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement in Literacy, Mathematics and Science or Civics, as well as in studies conducted by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in literacy, mathematics and science.

Such failings stand in sharp contrast to the developments observed in nations such as Finland, South Korea and Singapore, where education has been considered a national priority, and which today have some of the highest levels of access and rates of completion of K–12 education, in spite of the fact that four decades ago these education systems were no different than the education systems of many Latin American countries. As a result of sustained efforts to improve education over the last three or four decades, today the students in these countries have some of the highest levels of knowledge, skills and educational attainment.

In comparative rankings of the quality of tertiary institutions, Latin American universities also place poorly. None of the Latin American universities appear in the top 200 of the Shanghai Jiao Tong University Rankings of World Universities in 2010.2 Worse, Latin American universities have fallen in these rankings in recent years. Today the most highly ranked university, Universidad Autónoma de México, is ranked at 222, followed by Universidade de São Paulo, 253.

The shortcomings of education systems in the region include gaps in the quality of education offered to different socioeconomic groups and to those who live in rural and urban areas, and the relative low quality of education—particularly the lack of emphasis on fostering skills that enable students to use what they know to solve new problems. In addition, schools prepare students very poorly for the solution of problems, for work and entrepreneurship, and for leadership, independent thinking and lifelong learning.

Four Ways Entrepreneurs Can Change Education
Given the long history of the education systems in Latin America and the priority education already receives in the public statements of government officials, it is doubtful that the identified shortcomings will be overcome by “more of the same.” New thinking is necessary to improve the effectiveness of teachers and school leaders, to make curriculum more relevant to the current demands of citizenship and work, and to successfully engage the attention and imagination of students. We should not conflate “old thinking” with government action and “new thinking” with private action; both public and private interventions can be ineffective as well as innovative. What is needed is innovation—the generation of novel approaches to meeting the education needs of the population in Latin America in ways that can be sustained and reach scale.

Today’s challenge is to establish systems of innovation in education that combat underperformance with processes of continuous improvement. Numerous areas in education are in need of such innovation, including curriculum and instruction in the areas of literacy, science, technology and engineering, entrepreneurship, citizenship and leadership, and global education. Innovative thinking is also needed in the areas of improving the general quality of instruction through teacher and principal education, conducting vocational and technical studies, expanding access to universities, increasing the links between universities and the productive sector of the economy, and raising the level of non-formal (such as non-degree awarding institutions or vocational schools) as well as formal education.

Steering such innovative solutions is the role of the education entrepreneur. More entrepreneurship is needed in the public as well as in the private sectors in education. In addition, entrepreneurial public-private partnerships are more likely to generate the innovative solutions that can produce scalable and sustainable solutions to some of the challenges discussed here.

EDUCATIONAL ENTREPRENEURS HAVE FOUR PATHS AVAILABLE TO THEM:
1) They could advance innovation as leaders in the public education system.
2) They could advance innovation by creating private schools or universities in the formal education system.
3) They could advance innovation through private institutions in the non-formal education system.
4) They could establish partnerships between private and public institutions.

The administration of public education institutions would indeed benefit from entrepreneurial leadership. However, the constraints resulting from the regulatory frameworks of public administration and the impact of tradition and institutionalized politics limit the extent of innovation that is possible.

This makes it unlikely that entrepreneurial leaders of public education institutions will be able to produce significant redesign of the current programs and institutions on their own. The most entrepreneurial secretary of education in a country such as Mexico, for instance, has clear institutional limits to the reforms that can be made in how teachers and principals are appointed, in the work load and performance of teachers, or in how teachers and principals are trained and supervised.

Private entrepreneurs can also establish schools and universities where they can develop innovative programs for underserved groups in the population or create higher quality or more relevant education programs. At present, much of the expansion of secondary schools and universities in the region is the result of this form of entrepreneurship. Most of the growth in access to higher education over the last decade, and in some countries also to secondary education, is the result of private institutions created by entrepreneurs. These entrepreneur-led facilities are meeting a demand not adequately satisfied by existing public institutions.

The ways in which they innovate vary. In some cases they set out to serve some of the poorest segments of the population, offering education services that meet the expectations of these groups with the flexibility necessary to accommodate their personal needs. In other cases, they set out to create programs that more clearly align with the needs of the labor market, or create incubators of innovation and facilitate links with the private sector.

The institutions that have emerged from these efforts range from universities serving the “bottom of the pyramid” to elite schools and universities. The willingness of parents to pay the tuition charged by these private educational establishments suggests a widespread perception that they are either the only alternative available to groups excluded from public options, or that they provide a higher quality education than public institutions with, for instance, more personalized instruction, better science and technology education, better sports education, more character education, better foreign language instruction, or better economic and employment prospects for their graduates.

Entrepreneurs can also lead educational innovation in the non-formal education sector, where there is less regulation. It is much easier to establish a private academy that offers instruction but does not lead to a formal degree than to establish an accredited school or university. Conceivably, the expansion of knowledge-based industries will stimulate a demand for learning that outstrips demand for the credentials provided by the formal education system. The non-formal field is a vast arena for innovation in education. It can provide a broad range of services, such as training for specific job skills, language instruction, after-school enrichment programs, summer camps, and character and leadership education. It can also offer university-level or graduate-level instruction that does not lead to a formal degree—for example, executive education for senior executives or professionals.

Nevertheless, although private education leaders are unencumbered by the institutional constraints faced by their public counterparts in their ability to design innovative solutions, they are limited by public regulations in the extent to which they can scale up their efforts or in the extent to which the participants in these education programs can be certified as possessing those specific skills. Private schools and universities need to be approved and supervised by government authorities, and the barriers to entry can be especially high for newcomers. Since formal education is a public good, all private entrepreneurs need some level of coordination with public officials who have authority to regulate activity in the formal sector, including the approval of privately initiated, managed or funded programs in public institutions. This process can create an onerous burden to change and thwart innovation. If new programs of teacher education, for example, need to be certified by ministries of education or by the most established universities, this may induce a bias to replicate the traditional forms of teacher education.

There is obvious great promise in facilitating coordinated efforts between public and private sector entrepreneurs. Capitalizing on their maximum freedom to design innovative programs, entrepreneurial leaders of private institutions can work closely with like-minded leaders of public institutions who can help them scale up such programs. Together, they can generate the quality and scale of innovation that is necessary to prepare students for citizenship and work in the twenty-first century.

A number of education entrepreneurs leading public-private partnerships in Latin America have stepped up to address the education challenges discussed in this article with innovative solutions. One example is the Palabrario program in Colombia, developed by the Colombian Fundación Corona, which improves teacher skills in early literacy instruction in several municipalities. Unlike most short-term programs of professional development that are disconnected from teachers’ needs and workplaces, Palabrario has developed a long-term approach that creates a professional community to support the ongoing development of teachers, and which is anchored in the examination of teacher practice and the work of students.

Another example of innovation is Brazil’s Escola Que Vale program, developed by the nonprofit organization Comunidade Educativa with funding from the Fundação Vale, that focuses on teacher training. Implemented in partnership with municipal governments, Escola Que Vale creates an infrastructure that supports the professional development of teachers in their places of work over a period of five years, anchored also in the examination of the work of students and teachers.

Other forms of successful partnerships include advocacy coalitions to focus attention, resources and improvement efforts on education, such as Brazil’s Todos Pela Educação, which is the largest and most ambitious public-private effort on behalf of basic education in Latin America and has created multiple mechanisms to raise the visibility of education and to coordinate efforts to improve policy and implementation at the state and municipal level. In Chile, partnerships to revitalize vocational and technical education have produced innovative curricula linking education and work. One of the most established public-private partnerships is Fe y Alegría, a network of publicly funded schools in poor areas managed by the Jesuit Order in 13 Latin American countries. Fe y Alegría has generated multiple innovations in the areas of bilingual education, lessons through radio, vocational education, and teacher professional development. In more than 50 years of existence, it also has served as an effective mechanism for transferring innovative approaches across schools around the region through its network.

The reason that these public-private partnerships are interesting is they have generated innovative approaches to substantially improve education at scale, in ways that stand a good chance of sustainability. They differ from other public-private partnerships that are either of very small scale, ineffective or unsustainable.

Here Comes the Tough Part
While these successful examples demonstrate that public-private partnerships are possible in Latin America, it is puzzling that there are not more entrepreneurs leading similar ventures. Their number pales in comparison to those who are leading purely private institutions in the formal or non-formal sector. This suggests that the shortage of public-private partnerships is not indicative of a shortage of entrepreneurs interested in the education field, but rather of specific constraints to the development of such partnerships. Those constraints include: cultural biases against entrepreneurship in the public sector, which result in limited financing, obtrusive regulatory frameworks, limited access to expert knowledge, and limited opportunities for the development of entrepreneurial leadership. A more detailed examination of those barriers follows below.

CULTURAL BIASES
The history of independent Latin America did not begin with an economy that fostered entrepreneurship. In the nineteenth century, most countries had agricultural economies that exploited low-skilled and low-cost labor, rather than rewarding ingenuity, invention or craftsmanship. The Enlightenment ideas advocated by some of the independence leaders thus clashed with the cultural values of this feudal economy.

The post-independence political order was only partially successful in changing the cultural values of agricultural, colonial societies. These cultural struggles are illustrated in the writings of Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (especially in Facundo, Civilización y Barbarie). The most celebrated independence heroes of Latin America are primarily military leaders; they do not include entrepreneurs like Benjamin Franklin or Paul Revere. Industrialization, which emerged in the twentieth century under the protection of import-substitution policies, and the associated mass emigration from rural areas to cities, did foster the development of modern values in contrast to the traditional values of agricultural societies, but these did not necessarily foster the development of entrepreneurial values.

To the import-substituting leaders, success in their protected markets depended more on good contacts with government officials than on entrepreneurial skills. The public education systems developed and expanded as these traditional values were dominant. To many government officials, education was an exclusive affair of the state, with no room for private participation. The very term “entrepreneurship” conjures notions of profit and business that were perceived negatively in the context of government. The contemporary rhetoric of these prejudices (“privatization of education” or “neoliberal education”) clouds exmination of the facts.

Considering these biases, the entrepreneurial public-private efforts outlined earlier stand out as especially impressive. They are clearly an exception in a cultural context where not being entrepreneurial is the norm. The relatively modest role played by the private sector in education is explained, in part, by the effort to avoid detection. In such a cultural context, it is easy to understand why many private efforts in education today are ineffective. They are neither innovative nor entrepreneurial, but simply forms of nonstrategic philanthropy or charity, with limited impact and scale and sometimes with some of the same inefficiencies that plague public bureaucracies.

If successful public-private partnerships for educational innovation are fundamentally about scale, the availability of resources becomes a critical element in enabling them. Public sector officials’ distrust of entrepreneurs constrains the allocation of public resources to those public-private ventures. And the distrust operates both ways, limiting the availability of private capital for such partnerships. Without a concerted effort to build trust between these sectors, it is difficult to envision more resources available to support them.

REGULATORY OBSTRUCTION (AND ITS FIRST COUSIN, CORRUPTION)
Regulation is the principal mechanism through which governments prevent entrepreneurial innovation. There are good reasons for regulation, of course: it protects the public and assures the quality and relevance of the public goods. At best, regulation ensures that those who profess to have certain skills actually have them. A medical degree based on standards set by public bodies provides a guarantee of quality medical care; similarly, a license to practice law, to pilot an airplane or to teach elementary school ensures a standardized level of competence.

The problem with regulation, however, is that its effectiveness depends on the capacity of the institutions authorized to enforce standards and on the willingness of regulators to advance the public interests they serve rather than their private interests. Where capacity is limited and incentives perverse, regulation becomes a barrier to the entrepreneur and to innovation.

The authority of school supervisors and ministry personnel to authorize the functioning of private schools or universities in systems that lack transparency occasionally creates the incentives for those supervisors to request bribes in exchange for the permits that authorize the functioning of those establishments. In systems of public administration where patronage is common, who regulates the regulators? Even when explicit bribes are not the currency that smoothes the transactions between entrepreneurs and regulators, the inordinate power and lack of accountability of regulators often extract substantial time and require significant skill on the part of entrepreneurs to maintain their enterprises. The time a private school principal spends smoothing things over with a school supervisor is time not spent managing her school.

LIMITED ACCESS TO EXPERT KNOWLEDGE
Entrepreneurs are obsessed with impact at scale. They define it and look for ways to measure and benchmark their efforts, and they are devoted to developing a clear theory of action that helps them understand how to improve and sustain their activities. Few public-private partnerships in education in Latin America meet these criteria. More specifically, few have a clear theory of action that is based on the best available knowledge of how to achieve impact. Few bother to invest the resources required to evaluate results in ways that enrich theories of action for future innovations.

A theory of action is a conceptualization of how certain resources and processes will achieve particular results. For example, an after-school program for disadvantaged children, developed by organization X, could be premised on the theoretical assumption that the academic achievement of those children will improve, and that more of them will complete basic education. A theory of action often links direct program results (e.g. improved academic achievement) with larger social goals (e.g. higher graduation rates, leading to greater employability of those youth and lower criminality). So the theory of action of organization X could be something like: “If disadvantaged children at risk of academic failure are provided with additional instructional time and mentoring in the afternoons, and with a safe place in which to study and do their homework, they will be more likely to learn, succeed academically, stay out of trouble, and eventually get better jobs and live better lives.” Furthermore a good theory of action is based on expert knowledge about what has worked in the past and about scientific research and evaluation in the domain in question. It also permits the development of tools to evaluate programs as they unfold, and when they are completed to be able to improve the program and lay the foundation for better programs later.

Among the many leaders of public-private partnerships or funders of such efforts I have met in Latin America, all well-meaning and intelligent people, few have been able to articulate the theory of action that guides their efforts, and even fewer have communicated how that theory relates to established education and social science knowledge about what is known to work in addressing the problem they are attempting to solve. This is puzzling, since many of these individuals have highly successful business ventures, suggesting that they don’t apply to their social enterprises the same sets of skills, practices and standards that they use to manage their businesses.

LIMITED OPPORTUNITIES FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF ENTREPRENEURIAL LEADERSHIP
Although social entrepreneurship is an emerging field of practice in Latin America, gradually replacing more traditional forms of philanthropy, it is not yet well established. As a result, education entrepreneurs lack a community of peers and institutions that can support them. Mechanisms of professional development for cultivating the qualities that would make them more effective entrepreneurs are largely nonexistent.

The most successful education entrepreneurs can hope to be recognized and supported by international organizations such as Ashoka, the Schwab Foundation for Social Entrepreneurship, or the Kaufman and the Skoll Foundations, but these global organizations can only identify a very small proportion of the entrepreneurs in the region, and therefore their impact is necessarily modest. More importantly, these organizations typically focus on entrepreneurs who have already demonstrated some success and are at an advanced stage of their careers. As a result, they don’t serve to nurture nascent entrepreneurs.

The development of a field of practice or a profession of social entrepreneurship, with serious attention to youth in high school and college and to young professionals, is a necessary step if the number and quality of entrepreneurial public-private education partnerships are to measure up to the education challenges of the region. The institutions that will shape this field of practice should include the systematic study and teaching of social enterprise at advanced levels, including in business schools; the creation of networks that identify and support entrepreneurs; and the development of standards of practice that serve as guides to the profession.

Two hundred years ago, a group of visionary leaders took the nations of Latin America on a journey of self-rule. They soon turned to education as a way of advancing that progressive political project. Much was achieved since the public education systems were formed in the early years of independent republican life. Successive generations of Latin American citizens were given more opportunities than their parents had to develop their potential.

Rousseau could not have imagined a more fitting tribute to his ideas about the nature of education in building a social contract. The present educational challenges are similarly tied to the challenges of advancing today’s Latin American democracies, and they call for equally visionary leaders capable of driving the innovations that can prepare today’s citizens for democratic participation and help them become capable and productive workers in the global knowledge economy. Leading such innovation represents an opportunity for entrepreneurs, even as they face the dilemma of going at it solo, in the public or in the private sectors, and in either formal or non-formal institutions. They must seize the synergies implicit in public-private partnerships to innovate at scale. If more entrepreneurs are to do this, specific constraints to such entrepreneurial public-private partnerships must be removed.

Nations that create a culture which celebrates entrepreneurship in education, reduces obtrusive regulations, increases transparency, fosters access to knowledge in informing innovation, and identifies, develops and supports entrepreneurs, will build on the legacy of those early visionaries. They will, accordingly, nurture the human capital, social inclusion and trust essential to sustain viable democratic republics. What better way to celebrate independence?

And you thought Florida was bad | Education articles blog on schools in Florida & Tampa Bay: the Gradebook | tampabay.com & St. Petersburg Times

And you thought Florida was bad

OCTOBER 26, 2010

And you thought Florida was bad

According to the FCAT, 69 percent of Florida fourth-graders were proficient in math in 2007. According to an internationally benchmarked common standard, 41 percent were.

A problem? No doubt. There's a whole lot of feel-good, false impressions being given by standardized tests in Florida and across the country, according to this new study by the American Institutes for Research.

For what it's worth, the problem is worse in many other states. In Alabama, 78 percent of fourth-graders are proficient in math, according to that state's test; but only 26 percent are according to a common standard. In Colorado, the gap is 91 to 40. In Maryland it's 86 to 40.

The one exception: Massachusetts.

There, 49 percent were proficient on the state test, while 63 percent were proficient on the common standard.

AIR concluded that the gap between what students are expected to know to be proficient in the most rigorous states versus the lamest states are twice as big as the achievement gap between black and white students. It pins the blame on No Child Left Behind, which allowed each state to set its own proficiency standards.

Will national standards make things better or worse?

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There are 9 comments
0143 wrote:

Watch out ronmatus, the "truth" says spending and education results are counterproductive.

Gabriel wrote:

National Standards must become the standard. That's necessary. 'We though are many states, yet, we are one'. So why not education? The world over, those countries, [and even those that are not] have national standards, a regency test, a test for basic knowledge, the private schools in one faith-based church does, too. So what's holding us back?
Why aren't the states, ONE in education? It makes perfect sense. And yes, there are those problems with education funding. But is it costly to fund one set of standards? Or more costly to fund multiple groups of standards? You be the judge.

Gabriel wrote:

Those countries with the highest literacy rate and graduation rates. I meant to say.

murphinsebring wrote:

Finland has national standards but the educators in each school determine the process for teaching those standards. America's problem is that every blowhard politician that ever slept through an economics class thinks they are an expert and once they are elected they gain the bully pulpit to implement "their" brilliant educational strategies (but they won't pay for them of course).

Newleaf wrote:

I never understood how states could individually set their own standards.

0143 wrote:

Some states don't have as many letters in the alphabet, e.g. Florida only has 6 F, C, A, T B and F.

spartacus returns wrote:

0143, that's only 5.

incognito2010 wrote:

National Standards, NRT....At least more fair than the overinflated FCAT balloon. LET's POP THAT BUBBLE and send the deflated carcass back to the BUSH FAMILY to mount on their "Wall of SHAME!"

Rosiebaby wrote:

Yes to national standards. No to any test you can "teach to". At least the NRT shows where students and states stand relative to each other. Why not administer an "International Test"? Get edubusiness out completely.

Try looking through the books that the elementary schools use, supplied by Harcourt and Pearson et al. They are supposed to be designed by experts and some of them are incomprehensible. So much is style over substance. There are lots of pretty illustrations, some in full color, then three or four examples, then four or five questions. A test may have fewer than 10 questions, so a minor error has a major impact on a grade.

Give me the days of those mimeographed worksheets designed by the teachers (which could be changed to deal with problem areas - what a concept), and tests with enough questions to actually determine if the kid has got it or not

Repeat Performance | The American Prospect

Repeat Performance | The American Prospect

Repeat Performance
When charter schools hold students back, is it helping them succeed in the long term -- or does it just improve short-term test results?
Repeat Performance

(Flickr/Vasta)

Last summer, Rebekah Robinson was called into her son Amari Jacob's charter school, Kings Collegiate in New York City, to meet with a counselor about Amari's grades. The good news was Amari had passed the state tests in math and reading. The bad news was his teachers thought he should repeat fifth grade anyway.

Robinson, a 43-year-old mother of two from Saint Lucia, knew the school in her neighborhood would have promoted her son to the next grade. But she was pleased the charter school was so strict. Although Amari was good at math and science, he'd struggled with reading since fourth grade, when he had attended his neighborhood school in the Crown Heights section of Brooklyn. "He could have gone on, but in his school work, we thought he was just not ready," Robinson says.

Uncommon Schools, which runs Kings Collegiate, and the Knowledge is Power Program (KIPP) are among the more prominent charter-school networks that avoid "social promotion," the practice of passing low-performing students to the next grade in order to keep them with their peers. Charter schools, which educate 1.5 million students, have been set up as an alternative to the regular public schools. Although they are public, they are run by private organizations, which are required to be nonprofit in most states. The schools are given free rein to experiment with policies like longer school days in exchange for tougher accountability -- districts can shut down charters if the schools' test scores are too low. In keeping with their focus on rigorous academics and accountability, many charter schools have adopted strict "retention" policies requiring struggling students to repeat a grade when they don't meet expectations, sometimes even if they're just a point shy of passing. Amari's experience has become common in some of the highest-performing charter schools across the country.

Charter-school advocates say this allows them to help students who are far below grade level to catch up. It may also give charters an edge over regular public schools on test scores. Even so, retention policies have gotten little attention in the debate over whether to expand the number of charters, although strict student-retention policies flout the education research. Studies have found that in the long term, students who are held back in middle or high school learn less and are more likely to drop out.

Although there are no national statistics tracking the percentage of students held back in charters, there is evidence that the number is large. Schools in charter hotspots like New York and Houston report retention rates as high as 23 percent, much higher than the district averages, which range from 1 percent to 4 percent. Margaret Raymond, director of the Center for Research on Education Outcomes at Stanford University, which conducted a major national study on charter-school performance, says she's observed that charter schools tend to hold students back at higher rates than regular public schools. And a recent national study by Mathematica, a research firm based in Princeton, New Jersey, found that a sample of KIPP middle schools, the biggest charter network in the country, had a significantly higher retention rate than traditional public schools.

Charters didn't invent the idea of ending social promotion, an education-reform fad that caught on in several major cities in the 1990s. Chicago was seen as a pioneer when it implemented a strict retention policy in 1996. In 1999, Texas followed suit, passing a law proposed by then-Gov. George W. Bush to ban social promotion. Five years later, New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who has embraced charter schools and borrowed heavily from their philosophy in his reforms of the school system, made a show of cracking down on social promotion in the third grade, the first year students take state tests. But by the time Bloomberg was embracing these ideas in New York (and ignoring heated opposition), school officials in Chicago and Texas were starting to back away from their retention policies because, officials said, holding back students was contributing to higher dropout rates.

Even though research in New York City led to similar conclusions -- students who were old for their grade level were at much greater risk of dropping out -- Bloomberg kept the stricter retention policy intact and even expanded it to other grades. City officials defend the policy, noting that the overall dropout rate has fallen. And the city's retention rates are still much lower than those of charters: At 31 charter schools that reported their retention rates in the 2008-2009 school year, 16 percent of the sixth-grade class was held back. Compare that to non-charter public schools, where only 1 percent of seventh- and eighth-graders were held back. (New York City did not end social promotion for sixth-graders until the 2009-2010 school year.)

High retention rates can help to boost test scores at charter schools, at least in the short term. Students may do better on tests the second time, and retained students' scores are dropped from their cohort, so a class of students could improve its test scores over time because the lowest performers have been removed. And sometimes low performers simply leave the charter school when they find out they're going to be held back.

While retention may help schools look better, the price may be students' long-term success. Nick Montgomery, a senior research analyst at the Consortium on Chicago School Research, which conducted a long-term study of retention policies, says his team found that students who were held back after elementary school were more likely to drop out later on. In addition, Montgomery says, "students who repeat grades during middle school learn somewhat less than their [low-performing] peers who don't repeat."

Even some charter-school leaders admit that it's unclear if the policy will help or hurt their students in the long term. The research on social promotion has focused on traditional schools, not charters. It could be that charters handle retention better. But even if they do, the prevalence of strict retention policies at charters puts a kink in the positive reports on their performance. Are high-scoring charters lifting student achievement significantly, or is retaining students helping the schools engineer better test scores?

Politicians like Bloomberg and even President Barack Obama have staked their reputations as education reformers on the promise of charters to erase the achievement gap. But, says Brian Gill, a researcher at Mathematica who co-authored the KIPP study, "We don't know if these kids will end up better off or worse off."

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Robinson began her search for a charter school after Amari's grades started to slip in fourth grade. She had heard about charter schools from another parent, who told her they had higher test scores and tighter discipline -- a quality that Robinson, who as a child attended schools with strict rules in Saint Lucia, appreciated. She began searching for charters near her apartment in Crown Heights, Brooklyn.

Although there are more than three dozen charters in Brooklyn and Robinson applied to several, Amari wasn't accepted by any of them. The jostling for spots at charter schools in New York City is intense, with most schools holding lotteries for slots. Like Robinson, many desperate parents see charters as the only escape from their neighborhood's dismal public schools. Robinson was relentless. She called the schools every day to check Amari's status on the waiting lists. Finally, two days after school started, Kings, a middle school that begins with fifth grade, called to say they had room for Amari. Robinson enrolled him immediately.

Despite the popularity of charter schools among politicians and parents, the data show mixed results. A recent national study of charter-school performance by Mathematica reiterated past findings that, in the aggregate, charter-school students fare no better than those in regular public schools. But that study also found that charters serving disadvantaged populations have a positive impact on test scores. Obama, who has aggressively pushed states to open more charters, has emphasized that he's only interested in replicating the "good" charters, not the bad ones.

The charter schools defined as "good" -- at least as measured by standardized test scores -- tend to be those with high retention rates. But if, as Obama is demanding, a school's worth is measured by how many of its students are prepared for and go on to college, then it's much harder to tell how charters are doing. KIPP reports high college-going rates among its students, as do a handful of other charters. But at some charters, students who leave the school, as students who are retained often do, are not counted toward graduation rates. (KIPP leaders say they track even students who leave.) For charter schools nationally, there is virtually no data on long-term outcomes for students.

Based on tests, Kings Collegiate would certainly be counted among the good charter schools. Nearly all of the students at Kings are black or Hispanic. In 2009, the percentage of Kings students passing state tests was in the 90s -- significantly higher than the statewide average. The only area in which the school faltered was in fifth-grade reading, where only 74 percent of students were proficient. That's the test Amari passed. But Kings demands "mastery," meaning students must both pass the test and score at least a 70 in all of their classes. "If a student hasn't mastered their times tables, they can't be promoted no matter how unfortunate the idea of holding back students is," says Brett Peiser, managing director of Uncommon Schools in New York City. "We're very up-front with families about that possibility happening." To Rebekah Robinson, the policy made sense. "He knew the work, but he was still struggling," she says of her son. And because one out of five fifth-graders at Kings was held back in 2009, Robinson says, "I didn't feel bad."

Democracy Prep Harlem, the first school in a new network that plans to open more schools in New York and Rhode Island, is a charter that subscribes to the "no excuses" principle common at charters, meaning everyone, from students and parents on up, is held accountable for their performance and must pay consequences if they don't measure up. Unlike many charters, Democracy Prep, a middle and high school, has an outsized population of special-education students. Seth Andrew, the school's founder, says students at the school are far behind when they arrive in sixth grade. Last year, more than 20 percent of the sixth-grade class was held back. "The reason that charters exist is to help remediate for traditional public schools that are not teaching students to read, write, or do math, and that's not a one-year job," he says.

Charter-school leaders say that students often repeat the last grade they completed in public school. But Raymond, the Stanford researcher, says that more students are held back after they've already spent at least a year at the charter. "We've analyzed whether kids are held back when they come into the school, or whether the retention happens later on," Raymond says. "It turns out that it's later."

Raymond has also looked at whether students who repeat a grade at a charter do better than students who repeat in regular public schools. With a few exceptions, the performance of retained students is the same in both settings -- that is, students who are held back don't do better because they attend a charter. In Louisiana and Washington, D.C., charter students who are retained do worse on math and reading tests than their traditional-school counterparts. (In New Orleans, the regular public schools actually have a higher retention rate, but they also educate more special-education students than the charters.)

When students repeat a grade, they are taught, often by the same teachers, the same material that stumped them before. Charter schools frequently offer extras that regular schools may not, including Saturday classes. But the Chicago research found that simple repetition is not enough -- students who are struggling to understand their coursework generally need more intensive interventions, not just a do-over. Retention brings other problems, too. Researchers have written about the psychological impact of separating students from their age group. It can be hard on the retained students, but also on teachers and younger students. They may have to contend with kids who are 15 and 16 years old in middle school and who may have behavioral problems in addition to their academic issues. At the same time, students who are retained are by nature already struggling and more likely to be disengaged with school. Being held back can increase their frustration by moving back the finishing line of graduation and, in the words of the Chicago Consortium researchers, making it seem less "worthwhile to continue."

Nyeesha Hill, a student at Democracy Prep, had to repeat sixth grade at the school. Nyeesha is one of 12 siblings and lives with her grandparents in a lower-income section of Washington Heights, in upper Manhattan. She was held back in first grade -- because of behavior issues, she says -- so she was already old for her grade when she was chosen in a lottery to attend Democracy Prep. She struggled at the charter school and was assigned to summer school to improve her grades in three classes -- global history, writing, and math. She ultimately failed one of the classes, so under Democracy Prep's retention policy, she had to repeat the grade. "In the second year, I raised my hand for help and participated more. It helped me," she says. "It's a second chance."

But Nyeesha faltered again, and she will have to repeat eighth grade this year. She has pressed her grandparents to let her attend an alternative high school, where she hopes she can join peers who are her age and graduate faster. "I'm going to be 16 this year, and I feel like I shouldn't be in that school," she says of Democracy Prep. "I don't want to go back." Most of her classmates will only be 13 or 14 years old. Her grandfather, Duely Adolphus, shares her frustration. "I was under the assumption that by going to that school that she would be getting her high school diploma," he says. "I have really high regard for the school. I don't know why she can't move from that grade. Maybe Nyeesha isn't motivated."

School leaders say that the higher attrition rates at charter schools are due, in part, to their retention polices: Students who are held back often return to regular public schools where looser academic standards allow them to move up with their peers. A 2004 study of charter schools in Arizona by the conservative Goldwater Institute found that charter-school students were significantly more likely than traditional-school students to switch schools if they were going to be held back. Andrew says Democracy Prep lost about half of the eighth-graders it planned to retain. (Around 15 percent of the eighth-grade class is held back each year.) At Kings Collegiate, the attrition rate ranges between 15 percent and 18 percent for all grade levels, school leaders say.

The high transfer rates leave charters open to the criticism that they're forcing out the lowest-performing students. Gary Miron, a Western Michigan University researcher who studies charter schools, says the retention policies of charter schools may sound good, but they "could be a mechanism to have the weaker kids go back to traditional public schools."

But Raymond says her studies have found that students who leave a school rather than be retained are less likely to be minorities or on free or reduced-price lunch, suggesting that it's the more affluent parents who worry about the stigma of repeating a grade. And charter-school leaders say they work hard to hold on to students whom they want to retain. That's why Kings Collegiate tries to hold back students only in the early grades, Peiser says. "They're more likely to stay with us," he says. Andrew, at Democracy Prep, says his school has an incentive to keep the students it wants to retain because they're the ones who make the most progress -- and New York City relies heavily on student progress on state tests to evaluate schools.

***

During his second attempt at fifth grade at Kings Collegiate, Amari says his schoolwork "was like a breeze." By the end of the year, he was making 80s and 90s, including in reading. He also did well on the state tests.

Every year, local papers in New York City compare the test scores of students in the city's charter schools to those of students in regular public schools, and charter schools usually come out ahead. But Gill, the Mathematica researcher, notes that "a kid who is taking the test for a second time around is likely to do better than the first time around," giving charters an advantage in each year's media contest.

Retention rates also affect the outcome of more sophisticated analyses. Students who are held back are typically a school's worst performers, but often such students can't be counted in studies. For the Mathematica study that found KIPP students outperformed regular public-school students, Gill says he and his co-authors had to estimate the performance of students who'd been held back so as not to have missing data.

Sean Reardon, a professor of education at Stanford who specializes in statistical methods, consulted on a study of student achievement in KIPP middle schools in the San Francisco Bay Area. The researchers encountered a problem, however: Many students who started at the schools in fifth grade didn't reach eighth grade within three years because they'd either moved to another school or repeated a year, making longitudinal measurements difficult. "Studies that don't deal with this carefully should be suspect," Reardon says. "They run the risk of producing estimates that make charter schools look better than the other schools."

Some charter schools have rejected strict retention policies. Elise Darwish, the chief academic officer of Aspire Charter Schools in California, says her network advises against holding students back because "kids don't do better the second year."

Elliott Witney, the principal of the first KIPP school in Houston, says the network doesn't have a national policy on retention. Instead, he says, schools base retention decisions on a range of data points about a student -- from behavior to test scores to "grit." He says his school also lets parents make the final decision about whether their child is held back. About 11 percent of eighth-graders at his school are held back at some point, Witney says, a figure that is high compared to other Houston schools. "The phrase we constantly use with kids is 'it's not a race,'" Witney says. "Colleges don't care what age you are; they only care what you know."

For now, researchers can only speculate about the consequences of charter-retention policies. It's possible that the rigorous academic culture, along with the fact that retention is so common in many charter schools, could ameliorate the problems normally associated with holding kids back. "I think that we need to look at retention in charters differently than we do retention in large systems," says Nelson Smith, a senior adviser to the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools.

Robinson says she doesn't regret the decision to have her son repeat fifth grade. Amari, now a gangly 12-year-old with braces, is excited and confident about entering sixth grade this fall. He is due to graduate in 2017, and he's determined not to be held back again. If Amari succeeds and goes on to college, it may be because he was given a second chance to catch up with his peers. But it may also be that he beat the odds stacked against him when he was held back.