Monday, November 1, 2010

Redevelopment comes to West Grove, but not everyone's cheering - Coconut Grove - MiamiHerald.com

Redevelopment comes to West Grove, but not everyone's cheering - Coconut Grove - MiamiHerald.com

GENTRIFICATION OF WEST GROVE

Redevelopment comes to West Grove, but not everyone's cheering

Residents of the historic but decayed West Grove neighborhood fear a planned redevelopment will enrich a lucky few but force them to abandon their roots.

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AVIGLUCCI@MIAMIHERALD.COM

Years of decline and stalled redevelopment schemes have turned Grand Avenue, the once-bustling heart of the old West Grove Bahamian enclave, into a drab landscape of vacant lots, empty storefronts and aging concrete apartment blocks.

Now Grand Avenue could be at long last on the verge of a transformation, but not everyone in the West Grove is celebrating.

Some longtime residents fear a massive redevelopment project could wipe out much of what's left of Miami's longest-settled black neighborhood.

The private project, in the works for three years, would almost entirely clear six large blocks along Grand and rebuild them with a mix of multistory apartments and townhomes, shops, offices and -- according to city officials -- a new Publix supermarket.

Developer Pointe Group/Advisors, some residents and elected officials, led by Miami Commissioner Marc Sarnoff, whose district includes the West Grove, say the project will provide jobs and a sorely needed economic boost for a neighborhood that has experienced a steep population loss and nosediving property values.

But while the idea of bringing new commerce and people to Grand seems to enjoy broad local acceptance, the project's scope and potential impact on the surrounding community -- one of the poorest in the city -- have raised fears of displacement and gentrification, sharply dividing West Grove residents.

Some fear that, absent ironclad guarantees for the inclusion of affordable housing, the project could spell the end of the West Grove as a place where generations of Bahamian and African American families forged a stable, tight-knit neighborhood with a unique identity.

``I`ve heard much talk from the developer about maintaining the Bahamian vernacular architecture, but not the Bahamians,'' said Jihad S. Rashid, president of the Coconut Grove Collaborative, a community group that recently threw its support behind the project after the initially resistant developer agreed to include at least 40 units of affordable housing -- though details remain far from set.

``We've cried for investment for decades. We want the development. We don't mind the new diversity -- with the caveat that some of the historical community can remain, so that we're around to enjoy it,'' Rashid said.

INITIAL APPROVAL

Some with deep roots in the West Grove support the project, saying it's well thought out, sensitive to the neighborhood, and simply the best hope of reversing what one called ``obsolescence and decay'' on Grand Avenue.

``This project is the most gentle breaking of eggs that is possible,'' Dr. George Simpson, a member of the pioneering Stirrup family who owns rental properties on the blocks to be redeveloped, told city commissioners recently at a public hearing.

The commission on Thursday unanimously gave the nod to a package of land-use changes sought by the developer to permit commercial development on properties now limited to residential uses. The developers must still undergo extensive review and further hearings before obtaining necessary zoning changes and development permits, a process that could take months.

The Grove Village on Grand, to be built in phases, would occupy three contiguous blocks on both the north and south sides of Grand, extending all the way to the single-family residential streets running parallel to the avenue to the north and south.

The blueprint is in flux, but calls for 240 rental units, including some homes and townhomes, ground-floor retail space, offices, a possible hotel, public green space and squares, and a grocery store (although Sarnoff announced it would be a Publix, neither the company nor Gardner would comment). The buildings, limited to five stories, would be a mix of contemporary and traditional, Bahamas-inspired architecture.

``It's an area that needs change, and we like to think we're going to enhance it,'' said Pointe Group's Peter Gardner, a Coconut Grove native.

But some activists say Gardner's blueprint, which would remove the last remaining cheap rental apartments on Grand, is too glitzy for the area.

``Development on Grand Avenue is good, but we don't want Grand Avenue to be Mayfair,'' said West Grove activist Williams Armbrister, referring to the upscale retail and office complex in the adjoining, more affluent Coconut Grove.

DEEP ROOTS

There is little doubt that the project would represent a significant turning point for a neighborhood that traces its roots to the 1880s, when the first Bahamian families came to Coconut Grove to work at the Peacock Inn, Miami's first hotel.

Bolstered by black settlers from Georgia and the Carolinas, the enclave grew through the years of legally enforced segregation into the 1960s, becoming an economically diverse, self-contained community that included business people, teachers, police officers, doctors and lawyers, while always retaining a Bahamian character.

Those professionals built homes to the north and south of Grand, the main commercial strip that also housed poorer residents in concrete apartment buildings and duplexes. Some of the single-family homes are now occupied by second and third generations of the original West Grove families, many of them now elderly.

But West Coconut Grove -- so called to distinguish it from the mostly white Coconut Grove to the east and south -- has been losing population for the past 30 years as young people left, older generations died off, poverty and crime rates rose, and the housing stock deteriorated.

The West Grove's plight only worsened during the real-estate boom, when speculators descended on the area, buying out some longtime homeowners and flipping properties before the market crashed. The neighborhood has suffered some of the highest declines in property values in the city, in part because of pervasive phony appraisals that artificially inflated them, Sarnoff says.

``When I moved back after years of being away, it was complete deterioration,'' recalls West Grove native Renita Samuels-Dixon, an elected member of the advisory Coconut Grove Village Council. ``The community was completely eroded.''

Like other community activists, Samuels-Dixon fears Pointe Group's project will only accelerate an exodus that saw the population drop from a high of as many as 12,000 people at the neighborhood's peak, to 2,900 in the 2000 Census. The population is likely lower than that today.

The developers, who already outright own or have contracts to buy the lion's share of the seven blocks, have torn down four small, dilapidated apartment buildings that provided cheap housing for some of the West Grove's poorest residents, though only 13 units were occupied, Pointe Group said.

Several more buildings, which according to Pointe Group contain a total of 112 ``habitable'' but mostly vacant units, would be demolished to make way for new development.

GRAND AND HIBISCUS

Some residents say they won't miss the apartment buildings, which they say are rundown and attract drug dealers.

``I'd be glad when those apartments are gone,'' said Alberta Johnson, 50, a lifelong West Grove resident whose rented clapboard house abuts the redevelopment area, pointing to a concrete structure on the corner of Grand and Hibiscus Street. ``We don't know where some of these young people come from, but they're not from around here.''

Some activists say the 40 affordable units pledged by Pointe Group, however, are an insufficient replacement.

``What they are telling us is we can't afford to have poor people in this development,'' said Pierre Sands, president of the West Grove's main homeowners and tenants group. ``But poor people need a place to live as well. Tenants are a critical part of this community.''

Some homeowners whose houses would face the project fear their values would plunge further or, alternatively, that property taxes they can now barely afford would rise. Others, whose homes sit inside the proposed redevelopment blocks, say they won't budge.

``I'm not selling my house,'' said an angry Ida Adkins, 75, who has occupied a Florida Avenue home for 30 years with her husband, retired schoolteacher Ugene Adkins, 80. ``I worked too hard for it, and I have nowhere else to go. But all around me, everything will be gone.''

Pointe Group and city officials say no homeowners will be forced out. Gardner said the project will be designed to go around several holdouts who have declined to sell, with appropriate buffers such as green space. Wherever the project faces houses, the developer said he will build similar homes.

But many residents remain fearful and ill-informed, said Samuels-Dixon.

``We all know Coconut Grove village west has been in need of a facelift for years. My concern is for the seniors who were born and raised here and thought they could live here in peace,'' she said. ``Now they are in upheaval because they don't know what's going on. That group of people had been left out of the dialogue.''

Some area activists are urging that the city demand a legally enforceable contract with the developer, called a community benefits agreement, that spells out in detail what the firm pledges to do for the area. Such agreements are increasingly being used across the country to soften the gentrifying effects of inner-city redevelopment projects, said Anthony Alfieri, a University of Miami law professor and a director of the Coconut Grove Ministerial Alliance, which groups the West Grove's numerous churches.

``Without a community benefits agreement, it will be very difficult to ensure compliance with the commitments,'' Alfieri said, noting that Gardner is a longtime friend and seems open to the idea.

``There is a recognition that development is inevitable, but that it should go forward in a way that treats the historic stakeholders as equal participants in a good process, while recognizing the needs of a private developer.''

WILLING TO TALK

Gardner pledges his company would manage the buildings and emphasize local hiring, he said. He added he's held about 100 meetings with local groups and residents and remains ``willing to communicate with anyone.''

Rashid, who contends Pointe Group initially adopted a ``paternalistic'' attitude toward community concerns, seems to have come around -- though he believes the developer could do still more to accommodate and protect low-income residents.

``I want to be reasonable. This project would be a welcome change,'' he said. ``But if it's a vessel to prosperity, our names were not on the manifest. And that's the concern.''



Read more: http://www.miamiherald.com/2010/10/30/v-fullstory/1900553/redevelopment-comes-to-west-grove.html#ixzz142V4x8Ub

Scott, Sink education plans differ greatly - OrlandoSentinel.com

Scott, Sink education plans differ greatly - OrlandoSentinel.com

OrlandoSentinel.com

Scott, Sink education plans differ greatly

By Dave Weber, Orlando Sentinel

12:20 PM EDT, October 29, 2010

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The direction of public education in Florida could hinge on Tuesday's election of a new governor, who will have wide influence on decisions affecting the schools.

Republican Rick Scott wants to continue former Gov. Jeb Bush's reforms and kick them up a notch.

Democrat Alex Sink says continued improvements to schools are needed, but it is time to reconsider how they should be made.

Unlike some past campaigns, education issues have played a small role in this year's race despite the power over the schools that the governor wields.

The governor appoints members of the state Board of Education who, along with an appointed commissioner, steer education. The governor can trump efforts by the Legislature to direct the schools by vetoing its proposals. And even legislation that becomes law is open to wide interpretation by the state board and commissioner who are under the governor's wing.

Although the topic has been low key, Scott and Sink each have detailed education platforms worked up in part by their closest allies on the issue.

For Scott that was former Gov. Jeb Bush's Foundation for Florida's Future, which lobbies for education reforms. The Florida Education Association, the teachers' union, had input on Sink's platform.

From the FEA's perspective, Sink's strength is her plan to involve teachers, school administrators and parents in determining such issues as merit pay plans for teachers. Many recent education reform efforts such as merit pay have been too top down and left out those most affected, said Mark Pudlow, FEA spokesman.

"It has got to be a merit pay plan that teachers can buy into and understand, and can't be based on a sole test," Pudlow said.

Pudlow said Sink also is dedicated to maintaining a public school system amid pushes to have private, charter and virtual schools replace public classrooms.

Conversely, Scott wants to ramp up more school choice options for parents, including charters. He raised some eyebrows among his backers worried that his plan to end corporate income taxes would kill funding for the Tax Credit Scholarships that allowed 32,000 low income children to go to private schools this fall.

But officials with the Foundation for Florida's Future say they have been assured that Scott will find another way to fund the scholarships.

"Rick Scott's plan to provide parents with choice and to expand virtual and online education is very good for Florida," said Patricia Levesque, executive director of the foundation.

Here are the highlights of each candidate's education platform:

RICK SCOTT

"I believe the only measure of success for Florida's education model should be based on learning gains by our children and the readiness of students to enter institutions of higher education or the workforce."

•Measure and improve student readiness, in part by rewarding effective teachers based on student performance.

•Provide annual reports to parents and taxpayers on each school's performance, going beyond the current school letter grade to include a financial statement on how much money was spent and what academic progress was made.

•Restructure teacher colleges to offer a better balance of content and skills to teach.

•Expand parent choice of charter schools, private schools, home schooling and virtual schools. "Fully support publicly financed private education," including religious schools.

•Expand virtual and online education, offering students "24/7" opportunities not confined to standard classrooms.

•Expand mentoring programs by encouraging more businesses and others to help educate students.

•Tighten school funding by reducing the need for more classrooms and administrators through increased use of virtual classes, technology and incentives for students to progress more rapidly and efficiently.

ALEX SINK

"Without a strong education system, Florida cannot build a more prosperous economy because the quality of our workforce depends directly on the quality of our schools."

•Reduce student failure and the dropout rate by improving pre-kindergarten education, identifying potential dropouts earlier and providing counseling, mentoring and career academies.

•Reshuffle education funding, boosting state spending for education to earlier levels.

•Invest in training through more practical experience on classroom methods and college loan forgiveness. Reward teachers with higher salaries.

•Improve principals' skills.

•Fix shortcomings in the FCAT to address concerns of minority bias, dependability of scoring and discrepancies with federal testing, which shows lower achievement for Florida students than claimed by FCAT.

•Expand the basis for grading schools beyond FCAT scores to include such measures as number of teachers with advanced degrees, student absenteeism, and number of students failing a grade.

•Strengthen curriculum to focus on the combination of science, technology, engineering, arts and math skills needed to produce a more skilled and higher paid workforce.

•Make college more affordable and accessible as well as more responsive to new workforce needs.

Dave Weber can be reached at dweber@orlandosentinel.com or 407-883-7885.

Downtown Miami a center of attraction with new hotels - Business - MiamiHerald.com

Downtown Miami a center of attraction with new hotels - Business - MiamiHerald.com

South Florida Times: Miami , Broward, Palm Beach, Breaking News & Weather at SFLTimes.com - Race for troubled Miami commission seat draws 6

Race for troubled Miami commission seat draws 6

RACE FOR TROUBLED MIAMI COMMISSION SEAT DRAWS 6
Written by CHARITY VERGARA And JESSICA DE LEON
Florida International University

Two veteran community activists and four less known candidates will fight it out come Election Day for the chance to represent the key black neighborhoods of Overtown, Liberty City, Wynwood, Alapattah and Little Haiti on the Miami City Commission.

The race is expected to come down to incumbent Richard P. Dunn II, appointed to fill Michelle Spence-Jones’s seat after Jones was indicted on corruption charges, and Alison Austin, CEO of the Belafonte TACOLCY Center.

Also on the Nov. 2 ballot are Michael Jackson Joseph, who left a job with the Department of Homeland Security to run for office; activist Ernest Mailhot of the Socialist Workers Party; Andre D. Joyce; and Jerry Dean Sutherland Sr., a minister and Miami-Dade County police officer.

With some 80,000 registered voters, the area is the poorest, least developed and most crime-ridden of Miami’s five commission districts and has a troubled political history.

Spence-Jones succeeded Arthur E. Teele Jr., who, in 2005, committed suicide in the lobby of The Miami Herald amid corruption charges and scandal.

The late Miller Dawkins, who represented the district in the mid-1990s, pleaded guilty in 1997 to taking $30,000 in bribes and was sentenced to 27 months in federal prison.

Dunn was appointed to Dawkins’ seat but lost an election a few months later to Humberto Hernandez, who, himself, went to jail for vote fraud. Dunn ran again in 2005, losing to Spence-Jones, before being appointed to her seat by the City Commission on a promise that he would not run for a full term.

Dunn, 49, did not respond to several phone calls requesting an interview. He told The Miami Herald that he changed his mind about running because of a “groundswell of support asking me to keep the seat.”

Dunn was born in New York, moved with his family to Florida as a child and was raised in Overtown and Liberty City. He received a bachelor’s degree from Central State University and a master’s in counseling and pastoral care from Morehouse School of Religion and is senior pastor at Faith Community Baptist Church.

Dunn’s campaign website touts his support for strictly enforced teen curfew ordinances and the creation of a blue-ribbon committee to advise police on District 5 issues. The website also says he provided funding for Curley’s House of Style’s efforts to feed, clothe and otherwise help needy residents.

As of Oct. 15, Dunn reported raising slightly more than $127,000 for his campaign, much of it maximum $500 contributions from developers, attorneys and construction companies, many from outside the district. He reported spending about $58,000.

Austin, also a District 5 native, is Dunn’s most prominent challenger who had also hoped to be appointed to Spence-Jones’s seat.

Her campaign is more of a grassroots effort and she has raised slightly more than $25,000, with many of her donors giving less than $100 each.

Austin talks about what the district has compared to what it’s been promised.

“Where are the businesses, the restaurants and stores for people to come back to? You can drive down I-95 and see 75 cranes but here, in Liberty City, there hasn't been a single capital improvement project in 21 years,’’ Alison said in a previous interview with South Florida Times. “There's a whole generation of young people who have grown up without ever having seen development take place where they live.
That has to change.”

Austin, who will turn 51 next week, has been CEO of the Belafonte TACOLCY Center since 2006, leading its year-round youth programs.

She first worked at the center as a summer intern while pursuing a bachelor’s degree in communication at the University of South Florida.
She also has a master’s degree in hospitality management from Florida International University.

Austin has worked as an account executive for Xerox Corp.; was communications director for Florida Audubon; and worked on development projects in Latin America and the Caribbean for the United States Agency for International Development and the Organization of American States.

Joseph, 29, who worked eight years for the Department of Homeland Security before leaving to make his commission run, said it is time to get rid of the “same old usual suspects.” Experience, he said, can be a detriment when it becomes hidebound.

“This is not some type of monarchy,” he said. “I just want to tell them, ‘This is not about you.’ ’’

Joseph has an MBA from Florida International University and a law degree from St. Thomas University. His campaign website stresses job creation, crime prevention, environmental protection, business and transportation issues but offers few specifics.

Joseph raised about $9,500 as of Oct. 15.

Andre D. Joyce, 45, who did not respond to requests for an interview, has raised $1,500 to support his campaign.

“We want a community that we can find everything that we need in the community,” he writes on his campaign website. “My team and I have put together a blueprint for the success.”

Economic recovery, “restorative justice,” health, welfare and wellness and community revitalization are Joyce’s priorities, according to the site.

At 24, Sutherland is the youngest candidate on the ballot. He grew up in the Liberty Square housing complex and graduated from Miami Northwestern High School only five years ago. His top priority is job growth.

“One of the primary things we’re doing to create jobs is working with local corporations. We’re already reaching CEOs, asking them to bring jobs to our people,” he said.

Sutherland has received slightly more than $2,000 in contributions to his campaign.

Ernest Mailhot of the Florida Socialist Workers, who did not return calls requesting an interview, has raised $150. In 2008, he ran as a write-in candidate for U.S. Senate in Minnesota.

Charity Vergara may be reached at cverg002@fiu.edu.

The Culture of Poverty Depends on Which Neighborhood's School a Child Attends... : Mike the Mad Biologist

The Culture of Poverty Depends on Which Neighborhood's School a Child Attends... : Mike the Mad Biologist

The Culture of Poverty Depends on Which Neighborhood's School a Child Attends...
Category: Education
Posted on: October 27, 2010 10:17 AM, by Mike

...Who coulda thunk it? A while ago, I asked if parents choose schools or student bodies:

But what if parents aren't choosing better schools, but better student bodies? What if parents are paying exorbitant housing costs, not because the schools perform better, but because those high housing costs are able to exclude students who perform poorly?
...The point is when parents are choosing schools based on test scores, they are not necessarily assessing school quality, but child poverty. The educational system that they're leaving might stink too, but there is a massive conflation going on here. Even if they don't think they're doing so, families who are moving in order to secure a better education are, to a considerable extent, fleeing 'undesirable' student bodies.

Well, a recent study suggest that these parents might be right--poor students do better in schools with fewer poor students overall:

Low-income students in Montgomery County performed better when they attended affluent elementary schools instead of ones with higher concentrations of poverty, according to a new study that suggests economic integration is a powerful but neglected school-reform tool....
But the study, to be released Friday, addresses the potential impact of policies that mix income levels across several schools or an entire district. And it suggests that such policies could be more effective than directing extra resources at higher-poverty schools...

The study tracked the performance of 858 elementary students in public housing scattered across Montgomery from 2001 to 2007. About half the students ended up in schools where less than 20 percent of students qualified for subsidized meals. Most others went to schools where up to 60 percent of the students were poor and where the county had poured in extra money.

After seven years, the children in the lower-poverty schools performed 8 percentage points higher on standardized math tests than their peers attending the higher-poverty schools - even though the county had targeted them with extra resources. Students in these schools scored modestly higher on reading tests, but those results were not statistically significant.

Oddly enough, I wrote about this previously:

In the D.C. area, it is virtually impossible for low-income families to find housing in the inner suburbs (the wealthy suburbs of Arlington, Fairfax, and Montgomery counties). The housing that is available is concentrated in small areas, and those schools that cater to those communities do poorly (who coulda thunk it?). This exists largely due to zoning regulations: to build small-lot houses or apartment buildings is often illegal. In essence, low-income students are 'zoned out' (erm, that didn't come out right...). Until we make our communities more integrated economically--and that means having low-income people nearby--it will be very difficult for urban schools to have the same results suburban ones do.
Warehousing the poor does stem from cultural dysfunction, but this dysfunction is a problem of the comfortable and the wealthy. The poor don't want to be isolated in the ghetto, after all.

An aside: One reason that Adrian Fenty, former mayor of D.C. and who brought in Michelle Rhee as school chancellor, lost big in the black wards is because Rhee wanted to relocate an arts-oriented school from Georgetown to Southeast that catered primarily to poor black children. Most whites in D.C. weren't even aware of this, but it didn't go over well among blacks. I can't imagine why not....


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Comments
1
One of the dirty little secrets of the recently trendy "group learning" and "mainstreaming" vogues in public education is that placing more of the learning/teaching process on students only works well if the students are already doing well themselves. Doing group projects with a bunch of other kids who have behavioral problems or are barely literate is a far cry from doing one with a group who can actually participate in the project.

No reason the same shouldn't hold true for entire schools. If you have five kids and four of them are up to a certain academic level, they bring the under performer up with them. If you have five kids and three or four of them can't do the basic coursework, they drag the one or two who can down instead. Of course, back when I was the over performer being constantly put in group learning activities with some average kids and two paste eaters, I put it a lot less politely. And this was in a reasonably decent rural school, not a really bad inner city one.

Posted by: Vivian | October 27, 2010 10:57 AM
2
Interesting points! Have any of you given thought to the idea that if the parents, teachers, students and the education department of the under achievers were more involved it would change the entire scenario? The concept of No Child Left Behind was precisely that! It did not indicate that passing a student regardless of his/her academic achievements was acceptable! If a child does not pass the class, they take summer school or get held back....period! This is not a matter of income level - it is a matter of commitment from parents, students, teachers, school districts and society as a whole. The current thoughts teach children, and adults for that matter, that being below average and snobery are acceptable.

Posted by: Kecia Holman | October 27, 2010 12:47 PM
3
That’s such a nice sentiment. Of course it's awful damn hard for all those parents working 3 jobs for $8 an hour to be super committed to their childrens' educations, sadly. Then there are the less committed poor parents who's children all have fetal alcohol syndrome or untreated, often undiagnosed developmental disabilities or psychological issues. That “no adequate healthcare” thing tends to come into play here. Pretending that the effects of poverty can be erased by everyone trying harder is disingenuous.

Posted by: Vivian | October 27, 2010 1:45 PM
4
Any DC voter, white or black who read anything about education in the Post knew about the Rhee and the Hardy Middle School mess. That was probably the smallest of her mis-steps. The closing of schools, the firing of teachers, and very condescending style did her in.

Posted by: katydid13 | October 28, 2010 4:50 PM
5
Insane, stupid, or malicious zoning has done more to ruin this country than any other single factor. This is just another example of how.

South Florida Times: Miami , Broward, Palm Beach, Breaking News & Weather at SFLTimes.com - Restaurant to be featured in national magazine

Restaurant to be featured in national magazine

RESTAURANT TO BE FEATURED IN NATIONAL MAGAZINE
Written by SURAY DIELEMAN
Florida International University

Jumbo’s, the iconic Liberty City restaurant that was among the first to integrate at the end of the Jim Crow era, will be featured in an upcoming Inc. Magazine feature, Entrepreneurs We Love.


Inc. editors would not reveal why they chose Jumbo's. But the restaurant, owned by the Flam family for 55 years, has played a prominent role in the Liberty City community and the black community in Miami.

The Flams served and hired blacks before almost any other businesses in Miami. More than two dozen white employees quit when they did.

The restaurant at 7501 NW Seventh Ave., open round-the-clock, is the only white-owned establishment that did not close after the 1980 McDuffie riots that gutted parts of Liberty City, leaving 18 dead, some $100 million in damage and 3,000 people out of work.

But Flam, 65, makes little of the restaurant’s history. To him, it’s not about color, it’s about food.

“Black people, white people, I’m not a racist,” he said, chuckling. “I’ll serve whites!”

Over the years, Jumbo’s offerings of fried shrimp, conch, mac’n’cheese, pigeon peas and rice, not to mention its homemade sweet potato pie, has garnered the coveted James Beard Award for American Classic Restaurant and nine years of positive reviews from Zagat, as well as kudos from New Times, WSVN-Channel 7, Ocean Drive and New York magazines and even the Japanese edition of GQ.

As freelance Inc. photographer Colby Katz snapped pictures recently of the restaurant’s well-worn interior, replete with black-and-white vinyl tile, 1950s vintage red formica table tops and wall-to-wall posters celebrating local schools, celebrity customers and deceased customers, Flam reminisced about the place he bought from his father, Isadore, more than 44 years ago.

While photographs can portray the building and its people, they cannot capture struggles the restaurant has seen, especially since Hurricane Wilma left the establishment not so picture perfect at the same time business plummeted.

“The last five years have been rough. My business stinks,” said Flam, who, nonetheless frequently gives away food to customers and local organizations. “It’s a combination of the bad economy and the bad neighborhood image. I want to bring the neighborhood back.”

And that’s what he tries to do.

“I feed the homeless, I donate to the churches, I don’t have a problem with crime,” he said, knocking on a nearby Formica counter in the absence of wood.

Minnie Iceson, 76, has been coming to Jumbo’s for 30 years. She used to come with members of her church every Sunday but not anymore, because so many of her friends no longer drive.

“It has a good seafood dinner and it’s not that expensive,” Iceson said.

George Mack, 81, has been eating grits and eggs every morning at Jumbo’s for a comparatively short 15 years.

“It makes me feel proud that I’m one of the number,” said Mack. “It makes me proud that we can all come together as human beings.”

High school students come almost every week to hold football rallies at the restaurant and its signature dishes carry names such as Miami Edison Red Raiders Special – conch, shrimp and two sides, for $19.63 -- and the Little River Elementary chicken fingers -- no description is necessary—at $6.99.

Jumbo’s is also a political hub, displaying campaign signs for every party and candidate. Also on the menu is the “Obama special” — two cheeseburgers, fries and a 16-ounce drink for $4.67.

And to Flam, Jumbo’s is the same as life, it is his life and he hopes he and his restaurant can both stick around.

“Life is like a challah,” he said, referring to the traditional braided egg bread Jews eat on holidays. “It has its ups and it has its downs.”

Life - CHILDREN OF POVERTY

Life CHILDREN OF POVERTY Text

CHILDREN OF POVERTY
GROWING UP AT 215 WASHINGTON STREET PORTSMOUTH, OHIO
Photography : Mary Ellen Mark
Text : Peter Meyer
September 1989



212W-263-009

Like 13 million other American kids, Carrie Ellen Copas, 10, is poor. Not since 1965 have so many children been so needy.



212W-294-009

On school days Carrie gets up early in the bedroom she shares with her younger brother, mother and stepfather.



212W-223-026

At school (left), where she qualifies for free breakfasts and lunches, Carrie has few friends. "I hate school," says Carrie, "because the boys bump you and don't say excuse me."



212W-063-037

At home she is surrounded by family, including (above, left to right) cousins Angel and Marlene, stepfather Jake Holsinger and brother Jamie. "I love all these kids," says Jake. "I'd do anything for 'em." Carrie has three brothers. Her mother and stepfather's only child together is Jamie. Carrie has never seen her father.

19 PEOPLE IN A HOUSE BUILT FOR SLAVES

My name is Carrie Ellen Copas. I was born in 1979. My birthday is on August fifteenth. I am from Portsmouth, Ohio. And I have lived in the same place the whole time. And some people think I'm ugly and some people think I'm pretty. Sometimes I think I'm pretty and sometimes I think I'm ugly."

Carrie Copas lives with her mother, stepfather and three brothers in a two-bedroom rented apartment on the second floor of a mud-brown building on Washington Street, two blocks from the town hall and across the street from the Ramada Inn, the Star Service station and Castle's used car dealership. The house, believed to have been built as slave quarters in the early 1800s, is bounded on three sides by vacant lots. It is listed on the official Ohio Historic Preservation register as "demolished." It has four small apartments-all but one rented by relatives of Carrie's-six bedrooms, 12 beds, a sagging roof and dozens of holes in its walls, windows, screens, doors and floors. It is home to 10 children, nine adults, four dogs, six cats and an indeterminate number of mice.

A WILY SURVIVOR AT 13



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On his apartment's front stoop, Chuck protects his dog, Bambam, from traffic on Washington Street. "When the trucks come down by here, the house shakes," he says. "It ain't a street, it's a highway."

I'm Carrie's cousin. Chuck Riley. I'm thirteen and I live in the same building Carrie lives in but in Apartment 2. I don't have a middle name because my real name is Charles Riley III. Today at school we went to activity class with Mr. Bonzo and we had to draw pictures. I drew a dog on a porch sitting on a rug. Underneath it I wrote, 'If you can't keep up with the big dogs, stay on the porch.' But I can keep up with anybody if I want to. I'm fast. I can run."

Chuck Riley's parents separated three years ago."If Chuck were living in my house, with the kind of support my kids get," says a teacher at Chuck's school, "he could be getting A's and B's." Instead, he gets C's and D's and has trouble sitting still in class. But Chuck is known as a survivor. At four feet two and 65 pounds, he walks with a swagger that makes people notice him. He has a 28-customer paper route after school, eats alone when he gets home, does his own laundry-when he can't talk his sister Jenifer into doing it for him-and fills out every free contest entry form he finds, in hopes of winning a family portrait, a trip to an amusement park, a car.



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Chuck's sister Jenifer (right) takes care of Tiffany, her stepmother's infant child, while her cousin Carrie plays mother to her "newborn" dolls, Haley and Bobo.



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Chuck's father, Charles "Junior" Riley, 38 (top right), married his second wife, Luanne, last year, a few weeks after her 15th birthday. "She's still my friend," says Jenifer about Luanne, her former schoolmate. "She's just my mom too."

A FAMILY OF SIX ON $610 A MONTH



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The TV is almost always on in the Copas household (from left: Carrie, Mike and Jeff Copas, Jake and Jamie Holsinger, and Dorothy Copas). "I don't like welfare," says Jake, a former road-crew worker who left school after sixth grade."But I can't keep the kids on three dollars an hour. Get a job for three dollars an hour and you might as well forget it. But you just can't find another kind of job here. You gotta have a high school-a college education. And I ain't got it."

A 6:30 the morning sunlight filters through the torn screen on the front door of Apartment 2. Chuck Riley and his 17-year-old brother, Mike, are asleep, side by side, on a thin foam pad on the living room floor, wedged between the coffee table, black-and-white television set and easy chair. It has been their "bed" ever since Uncle Ernest arrived from Cincinnati two months ago, taking the tiny, windowless mudroom for his bedroom. Chuck's dad and stepmother sleep in the apartment's only other bedroom, their bed abutting that of Jenifer, 12, who shares hers with eight-month-old Tiffany. Chuck and Mike share the living room floor with Bambam the dog, Puppie the cat and her four kittens. On one side of Chuck's head is a two-foot stack of newspapers for his route; on the other side is a deposit of cat dung.

Upstairs, in Apartment 4, Carrie Copas rummages through the battered dresser she shares with her stepfather, mother and brother Jamie, three. Her mother and Jamie are still asleep, a few feet away, on top of the covers of a twin bed. Her stepfather, Jake Holsinger, 49, is waking her older brothers, Mike, 16, and Jeff, 14. They sleep in a bunk bed in a 10-by-10 room furnished with a table lamp on the floor and cardboard boxes for bureaus. Mike lies on the top bunk on an old yellow blanket, no sheets; Jeff is curled up around a sleeping bag on the lower bunk. The grapefruit-size hole in the window next to his head has been there for two years. "We put plastic over it and freeze to death in the winter," says Mike.

The children of 215 Washington Street-Chuck, Mike, Jenifer and Tiffany; Carrie, Mike, Jeff and Jamie-are not alone. At last count 13 million American children were growing up poor-one in every five. Since 1969 child poverty rates have risen from 14 to 20 percent, adding three million more youngsters-enough to populate a city the size of Chicago. From the children at 215, we can get an idea of what it is like to grow up poor in America in 1989. Like most American poor children, they are white, they do not live in a metropolitan area, their parents don't own a house, and their family's income is less than what the federal government says is necessary to survive.

By 7:30 Carrie has showered and dressed herself. Her hair still wet, she marches into the living room and hands her mother a king-size container of Queen Helene Styling Gel. Dorothy Copas, 37, her eyes droopy from sleep, sits her daughter on the tattered couch and runs the gooey stuff through Carrie's long curly hair. It is a morning ritual; so, too, is the spoonful of Robitussin she feeds her daughter. Carrie has a persistent cough that her living conditions encourage. Many of the windows are cracked or broken, the screens have patches upon patches, and in summer the mosquitoes are merciless. A ceiling fan whirs overhead, pushing stale air around the rooms. Most of the furniture is yard-sale secondhand, and the living room rug is so threadbare that Dorothy has taken to mopping it. "We're the fifth family to live on this," Dorothy says of the carpet. "And that means it's been down at least ten years, 'cause we've been here eight."

Dorothy ties a blue ribbon into Carrie's hair and pushes her up. "Hurry and get yourself some coffee," she says. If Carrie misses the school bus, she won't get to school. Jake and Dorothy don't own a car, there are no public buses in Portsmouth, and there is certainly no money for a cab.

In the kitchen Carrie pours hot water into her mug of instant coffee. On the stove are a few biscuits and a half empty pan of chicken gravy left over from last night's dinner. It is the end of the month. The welfare and General Assistance checks have been spent; the food stamps are gone. The refrigerator is empty save for a gallon of milk, a half-dozen eggs, a jar of mayonnaise and three packages of Hostess Ding Dongs. The cupboard holds only a sack of beans, a bag of flour and a box of instant potatoes. A 25-pound container of Fischer lard sits on the wobbly table. This will be the family's only food until next month's checks and stamps arrive five days from now. They have no bank account. Jake's wallet is empty; Dorothy's purse contains $1.50, three cereal coupons and a package of Tic Tac mints.

STAYING ONE STEP AHEAD OF COLLAPSE.

Dorothy Copas and Jake Holsinger support their family of six on a meager monthly budget: $464 from welfare and $146 from General Assistance (paid to Jake for working 26 hours at odd jobs for the city). Their income-$610 per month, $7,320 per year-is 25 percent of the average family income and almost $9,000 less than what the U.S. government says a family of six needs to get by. By the time Dorothy pays the bills (in cash)-in a typical month, $157 in rent, $56 for gas, $50 in electricity, $27 for the phone, $14 for the TV cable-there is $306 left for clothes, household supplies, transportation and emergencies. With $304 in food stamps, Dorothy gets her family through by careful coupon clipping, stocking up on hot dogs and bologna, and often waiting for an uncle to drive 80 miles down from Columbus to take her shopping at a discount grocery in a neighboring town. By the end of the month, it's hard for the children to pass up half a box of crackers that the mice have already gotten to. Carrie, sitting in church late one Sunday morning, admits that she would like bacon, eggs and toast for breakfast.



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The Riley family (Uncle Ernest, Mike, Luanne, baby Tiffany, Junior, Chuck and Jenifer) has moved seven times in five years. "First we lived in Columbus, then Kentucky, then we moved here," says Jenifer. "Then we moved to Dona Vista, then to Leesburg, Florida, then to another place in Florida, and then we moved back here." Says Junior, "We make do. If we have to, we'll move again to where there's more work."

Things are little better downstairs in the Riley apartment. Chuck's father, Junior Riley, a self-employed dry-wall taper, makes just enough to keep the family off welfare and food stamps, but less than the federal poverty standard of $1,348.33 a month for a family of six. Chuck and Jenifer qualify for free breakfasts and lunches at school, and baby Tiffany gets milk and cheese from the federal Women, Infants and Children (WIC) program. But Junior has been watching television for most of the previous three weeks-out of work. "The only money we've got left is what I have in my pocket and stashed around the apartment," he says. "About $100. Good for a week."

Sometimes the children will contribute some change they've saved to the end-of-month hunkering down. They earn money by collecting cans, mowing lawns or running errands for Warren McCloud, who lost his legs in a steel mill accident in 1946 and now lives in a ground-floor apartment at 215 Washington Street. "Sometimes I tell him to forget about paying me, when he hasn't got the money," says Jeff.

"I like winters more than summers, because you can shovel snow in the winter," says Mike Copas. "And I'm the best snow shoveler in town." Mike hides his money under his mattress so little Jamie won't find it. "But I don't like to," he says. "Mice get under it. I hate them things. They get in your food. Poop in it. I 'bout puke when that happens. They got in one of my old shoes once and had babies in it." Chuck makes $8.64 a week on his newspaper route, but quickly points out that "thirty cents of that is for insurance. In case I break a leg or die. It'll pay half my funeral costs." Last year Chuck won a $100 gift certificate from the Daily Times for signing up the most new subscriptions. He shared his prize with his sister Jenifer. They used all the money to buy clothes. On a recent can-collecting mission, Carrie earned enough to buy a pair of purple jellies at the Dollar Store. "Guess how much they cost?" she asks Jake. "Three ninety-nine."

Although the children of 215 have little to call their own, perhaps more telling than what they have is what they don't have. They get no allowance. They have no portable radios or tape players, no footballs or baseball gloves, no dress shoes, no Levi's jeans and no Nike Air sneakers. They have never been to a movie or taken a vacation. They have never been on a plane, a train or a Greyhound bus. They never eat out-even at fast food places. They've never been to the Dreamland swimming pool, which is only a mile away but costs $4.

Chuck and Carrie's prospects, like those of many children in the southern Ohio county of Scioto, are getting worse, not better. Located within 500 miles of half the nation's population and two thirds of its manufacturers, Portsmouth is both heartland and no-man's-land. When Jake and Dorothy grew up here in the '50s, Portsmouth was a bustling city of 50,000. The steel mills employed more than 5,000 people, and two shoe factories operated round the clock with three shifts each. "People didn't live high," says Dorothy Justus, who has taught in Portsmouth's schools for 31 years, "but this was a working place. People made a decent living." Today most of the factories have shut, and Portsmouth's population is down to 23,000. Its unemployment rate is at 13 percent, and an estimated one third of its children live below the poverty line.

Carrie Copas sits in the second row of her third-grade classroom at Abraham Lincoln Elementary school. Her feet barely touch the floor. She looks past the days of the week and months of the year neatly chalked on the blackboard. Outside the windows, clouds drift across the blue sky. Carrie never volunteers to speak in class because she stutters. "She is much smarter than her grades would show," says her teacher, Molly Glockner. (Carrie has one B, five D's and five S's.) "But considering what she has to contend with at home, I'm amazed that she does as well as she does. She always gets her homework done, though not always correctly. She gets far behind because most of the time she's in another world."

During recess, although she is athletic and loves to skip rope and ride the swings, Carrie stands by herself against the schoolhouse wall while her classmates play. "The rich children won't let Carrie play with them because she's poor," says her mother, Dorothy, who dropped out of school after eighth grade. "Not real dirt-poor, but poor. They just make fun of her. I don't know why. Jeff and Mike, they're having problems too. The other kids have better shoes on and all this. And they make fun of 'em."

STRIVING TO STAY PROUD



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"Whoever liked this place would have to be crazy," says Jenifer Riley of 215 Washington Street. "It's the ugliest building in the world. I didn't know things could be that ugly. But the insides are beautiful."

Children have different ways of measuring poverty. "Rich kids have a lot of pencils," says Carrie, who maintains that there's only one poor person in her class: "Me." The worst thing about being poor, says her brother Mike, an eighth-grader at Grant Middle School, is "no money. No food hardly. All we got now is crackers and milk. Don't have nothin' else." Jeff, a seventh-grader, says, "I get embarrassed when people know that we get welfare. People make fun of people on welfare. They start hittin' on you. I don't like it. But welfare helps a lot with the food." Chuck Riley simply denies he's poor and says he knows only one poor person in all of Portsmouth. "He's a country-western singer and always wearing sloppy clothes," he says. "He's on the radio sometimes and you see him just walkin' around town." Jenifer admits that she is reluctant to visit her Aunt Tina in Columbus, because "all the kids up there spend money. And I don't have any."

Small pleasures are savored by the children of 215: a popsicle, a newborn kitten, a pie made with berries from the mulberry trees that grow in the dirt lot out back where the families hang their laundry. A promise by Jake to take the children fishing makes everyone giddy with anticipation for a week. Long sticks wrapped with tangled line are hauled out of corners and endlessly cast in and out of trees. Bottles and cans are collected to pay for a package of lures. Carrie scrounges for worms, digging furiously with her hands. All week she nurtures her panful of earth with abundant doses of water. Then on Saturday the children troop across Second Street and two blocks to the muddy Ohio River. For three hours they haul in bass after tiny bass while Jake and Dorothy-neither of whom can swim-squirm with worry from the bank. Although the river yields nothing big enough to keep, the kids have so much fun that Jake has a hard time herding them home at sundown.

One of poverty's most sinister effects is the toll it takes, directly and indirectly, on a child's health. Government statistics indicate that poor children are almost twice as likely to suffer health problems. At three months, Carrie was hospitalized with pneumonia and "almost died," according to Dorothy. Chuck missed three weeks of school last semester with the flu. Mike Copas, who at 95 pounds is 30 pounds underweight for his 16 years, stays home from school with colds and coughing spells. And last spring a routine exam revealed elevated levels of lead in Jamie's blood. Doctors believe it came from his swallowing paint flaking off the porch railing. "Lead poisoning in children can damage the brain at a very critical time," says Dr. Mary Ellen Mortensen of Children's Hospital in Columbus, where Jamie is being treated. "Motor skills, language skills, cognition are all impacted, often permanently. Jamie's lead level is quite serious." Because they have no car, Dorothy and Jake pay Junior $15 to drive them to Columbus for Jamie's treatment. After school Carrie sits on the metal stairs leading to the front door of her apartment, a schoolbook resting on her knees, trying to do her homework. She writes furiously-using her left hand for math, spelling and English, her right hand for multiplication tables and handwriting. Jamie scrambles up and down the stairs, jostling her. Chuck pesters her from the sidewalk. "Shut up!" says Carrie without looking up. "Or I'll hit you in your privates!"

Perhaps the most difficult task for the children of 215 is to find space for themselves. In both households, doors are left unlocked and no one knocks. Cousins and brothers and sisters, aunts and uncles, wander into each other's homes at will. Yet despite the cramped and public quarters, each child has managed to eke out a private corner. Chuck looks after a section of the living room wall where he has hung a picture of his newspaper subscription award ceremony alongside an autographed 8-by-10 glossy of his favorite country-western crooner, Earl Thomas Conley. ("He's from Portsmouth!" Chuck brags.)

On the wall of the bedroom she shares with her infant sister, father and stepmother, Jenifer has mounted a blackboard that she uses to write messages: "Six days of school left!!!" And without any help, Carrie gets herself up every Sunday morning at seven, scrubs her white high-top sneakers, puts on a pretty dress and catches a bus to church. She has a perfect attendance record in her Bible-study group. "I like to hear stories about Jesus," she says.

What are the children's dreams for their future? Mike Riley: I'm going to the Navy, be on one of them aircraft carriers. They put you through high school and everything. Then I will go into the Air Force.

Jeff Copas: I want to be a fisherman and make $400 to $500 a week and live in Miami in a big house. Not apartments, noooooo. A full house. Five bedrooms in case I get married. TVs in three rooms-living room, front room, my room. The kids would have bunk beds. And if they wanted TV, I'd get them one of those 16-ounce ones. And they'd get any kind of fishing pole they wanted. I'd have a Lamborghini and a huge swimming pool open 24 hours a day. I'd only charge 35 cents for people to swim though, 'cause people don't hardly have any money.

Jenifer Riley: I want to be an artist or train horses. I also want to be a mother and have a kid and a husband. Not just any kind of husband. And I don't want to live here. I want to live someplace where it's pretty. Where you don't have to listen to all this traffic. Somewhere I can have a horse. I'd like to have just a normal house. In one of those small towns, country towns-if they have 'em any more. Western towns.

Mike Copas: Real soon I want to get me a job and make some money to help buy food for the family.

Chuck: It's between policeman, Marine or horse jockey. I'd like to carry guns. But my dad says you can make a lot of money as a jockey.

Carrie: I want to be a dancer and be rich. [How rich?] A thousand dollars. Enough to buy a stereo.

Finally, Dorothy Copas has a simple wish for the children. "I want the best for them," she says. "Just like a rich person does."

According to estimates by the Children's Defense Fund, if present economic trends continue, by the year 2000, one in four American children will be poor. "More and more children are growing up into poverty," says Sue Hagerty, head of Scioto County's Department of Human Services. "They don't know any other way of life. We have to find a way to break the cycle. Children are just innocent victims."

At one in the morning, the house is quiet. Occasionally, a tractor-trailer rig groans by outside. In the living room of Apartment 2, a dull light bounces off the walls. Chuck Riley, in the bathing suit he has worn for the last several days, sits by himself, his head resting on the sofa arm, his nose six inches from the television screen. When the horror show ends, Chuck pulls himself up and unrolls the piece of foam rubber onto the floor. He lies down, three feet from the front door, his face still pointed at the television set. His next day's newspapers are stacked nearby. By two he has drifted off, sprawled in the glow of the television, with a thin blanket for cover. Upstairs, Peanut the puppy pulls a sock out of Jake's shoe and thrashes it around the living room. Everyone is asleep. And Carrie's steady breathing suggests that she is finally in a real dreamland. The children of 215 Washington Street have found their own private spaces-at least for a few hours.