Saturday, January 8, 2011

Public Elementary and Secondary Estimated Finances: 1980 to 2008, and by State, 2008

Table 258. Public Elementary and Secondary Estimated Finances:

1980 to 2008, and by State, 2008

http://www.census.gov/compendia/statab/2011/tables/11s0258.pdf

168 Education

U.S. Census Bureau, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 2011

Table 258. Public Elementary and Secondary Estimated Finances:

1980 to 2008, and by State, 2008

[In millions of dollars (101,724 represents $101,724,000,000), except as noted. For school years ending in June of year shown]

Year and state

Receipts Expenditures

Total

Revenue receipts

Non–

revenue

receipts

Total

Per

capita

(dol.)

Current expenditures

Total

Source

Elementary

and

secondary

day

schools

Average per

pupil in ADA

Federal State Local

Amount

(dol.) Rank

1980. . . . . . . . . . . . 101,724 97,635 9,020 47,929 40,686 4,089 96,105 428 85,661 2,230 (X)

1985. . . . . . . . . . . . 146,976 141,013 9,533 69,107 62,373 5,963 139,382 591 127,230 3,483 (X)

1990. . . . . . . . . . . . 218,126 208,656 13,184 100,787 94,685 9,469 209,698 850 186,583 4,966 (X)

1995. . . . . . . . . . . . 288,501 273,255 18,764 129,958 124,533 15,246 276,584 1,051 242,995 5,957 (X)

2000. . . . . . . . . . . . 390,861 369,754 26,346 183,986 159,421 21,106 374,782 1,343 320,954 7,410 (X)

2004. . . . . . . . . . . . 488,959 455,013 40,629 215,480 198,904 33,946 469,623 1,618 400,931 8,930 (X)

2005. . . . . . . . . . . . 519,291 477,371 42,908 225,142 209,321 41,921 496,199 1,693 422,346 9,367 (X)

2006. . . . . . . . . . . . 550,345 506,245 46,052 237,234 222,960 44,100 521,554 1,763 443,382 9,743 (X)

2007. . . . . . . . . . . . 582,604 533,029 46,021 253,686 233,321 49,575 549,002 1,839 465,801 10,196 (X)

2008, total . . . . . . 600,077 558,877 47,615 270,614 240,649 41,199 575,727 1,909 485,647 10,589 (X)

Alabama . . . . . . . . 7,958 7,650 731 4,659 2,260 308 7,819 1,686 6,796 9,569 37

Alaska . . . . . . . . . . 1,536 1,366 171 868 327 170 1,508 2,211 1,403 12,045 13

Arizona . . . . . . . . . 8,891 8,882 697 4,628 3,557 9 7,458 1,172 6,139 6,139 50

Arkansas . . . . . . . . 4,872 4,595 527 2,568 1,500 278 4,845 1,705 4,373 11,417 18

California . . . . . . . . 84,194 74,256 6,609 46,834 20,812 9,938 69,217 1,911 53,887 8,883 43

Colorado . . . . . . . . 8,941 7,790 608 3,331 3,851 1,151 9,023 1,863 7,493 10,066 30

Connecticut . . . . . . 8,644 8,630 565 3,298 4,767 14 8,634 2,475 7,723 13,744 8

Delaware . . . . . . . . 1,947 1,746 143 1,099 504 201 1,928 2,230 1,564 13,407 9

District of

Columbia . . . . . . . 898 898 114 – 785 – 1,259 2,148 996 19,077 (X)

Florida . . . . . . . . . . 31,499 29,491 2,548 11,390 15,553 2,008 31,589 1,728 24,086 9,619 35

Georgia . . . . . . . . . 19,631 18,775 1,646 8,226 8,903 856 18,119 1,900 15,776 10,240 26

Hawaii . . . . . . . . . . 2,542 2,542 311 2,154 77 – 2,343 1,835 2,123 12,774 10

Idaho . . . . . . . . . . . 2,378 2,171 208 1,440 523 206 2,446 1,632 2,050 8,033 46

Illinois . . . . . . . . . . . 25,416 22,362 1,949 6,023 14,390 3,054 24,986 1,955 23,129 11,940 15

Indiana . . . . . . . . . . 11,045 10,444 865 5,508 4,071 601 11,801 1,859 9,868 10,174 28

Iowa . . . . . . . . . . . . 5,410 5,108 339 2,479 2,289 302 5,179 1,739 4,328 9,837 33

Kansas . . . . . . . . . . 5,811 5,378 344 3,139 1,895 433 5,538 1,995 4,524 10,995 23

Kentucky . . . . . . . . 6,691 6,680 711 3,907 2,062 11 6,619 1,555 6,024 10,121 29

Louisiana . . . . . . . . 9,149 7,859 1,318 3,523 3,018 1,290 8,029 1,835 6,822 10,809 24

Maine . . . . . . . . . . . 2,706 2,539 265 993 1,281 167 2,706 2,054 2,478 13,762 7

Maryland . . . . . . . . 11,453 11,382 761 4,469 6,152 71 10,876 1,930 9,537 12,014 14

Massachusetts . . . . 14,687 14,686 753 6,180 7,753 1 14,217 2,187 13,188 14,547 6

Michigan . . . . . . . . 20,286 19,947 1,618 11,314 7,015 339 19,748 1,965 18,272 11,615 16

Minnesota . . . . . . . 11,063 9,759 769 7,293 1,697 1,304 11,020 2,123 8,700 11,227 20

Mississippi . . . . . . . 4,231 4,123 652 2,209 1,262 108 3,929 1,345 3,554 7,492 47

Missouri . . . . . . . . . 10,811 9,622 933 3,077 5,612 1,190 8,834 1,495 7,625 9,179 39

Montana . . . . . . . . . 1,437 1,411 175 674 562 26 1,340 1,400 1,290 10,621 25

Nebraska . . . . . . . . 2,785 2,748 216 1,059 1,473 37 2,898 1,637 2,537 9,617 36

Nevada . . . . . . . . . 4,969 3,242 248 1,055 1,939 1,728 4,133 1,610 3,150 7,342 48

New Hampshire . . . 2,569 2,546 137 987 1,423 22 2,528 1,919 2,338 12,593 11

New Jersey . . . . . . 22,181 22,179 727 8,017 13,435 1 22,147 2,565 21,427 15,432 3

New Mexico . . . . . . 3,941 3,631 500 2,559 571 311 3,787 1,924 3,150 9,968 32

New York . . . . . . . . 44,825 44,644 3,413 20,285 20,947 180 46,710 2,405 41,643 15,932 2

North Carolina . . . . 13,387 12,226 1,242 7,962 3,022 1,161 13,799 1,522 12,225 9,161 40

North Dakota . . . . . 1,099 1,042 130 379 532 58 1,007 1,578 823 9,351 38

Ohio . . . . . . . . . . . . 18,459 18,459 1,510 8,039 8,910 – 19,684 1,709 16,818 10,212 27

Oklahoma . . . . . . . 5,887 5,482 646 2,974 1,862 405 5,452 1,509 4,976 8,343 44

Oregon . . . . . . . . . . 6,427 6,156 554 3,198 2,403 272 6,353 1,702 5,493 11,041 22

Pennsylvania . . . . . 25,516 25,316 1,780 9,210 14,326 200 24,920 1,990 21,007 12,431 12

Rhode Island . . . . . 2,266 2,266 170 908 1,187 – 2,510 2,379 2,339 14,993 5

South Carolina . . . . 8,352 7,787 716 3,950 3,122 564 8,092 1,829 6,443 9,801 34

South Dakota . . . . . 1,298 1,208 186 410 613 90 1,168 1,465 1,038 9,051 41

Tennessee . . . . . . . 8,113 7,801 883 3,563 3,355 312 7,737 1,253 7,227 8,036 45

Texas . . . . . . . . . . . 54,312 45,680 4,605 20,549 20,526 8,632 51,159 2,146 39,166 8,986 42

Utah . . . . . . . . . . . . 4,240 3,601 413 1,898 1,291 638 3,508 1,317 2,792 6,278 49

Vermont . . . . . . . . . 1,493 1,471 115 1,274 82 22 1,446 2,330 1,301 17,258 1

Virginia . . . . . . . . . . 15,755 14,880 939 6,019 7,922 875 15,792 2,046 12,942 11,369 19

Washington . . . . . . 11,946 11,180 979 7,066 3,135 767 13,890 2,149 9,600 9,980 31

West Virginia . . . . . 3,465 3,152 403 1,878 870 314 3,446 1,903 2,933 11,135 21

Wisconsin . . . . . . . 11,057 10,485 670 5,245 4,571 572 11,030 1,969 9,334 11,568 17

Wyoming . . . . . . . . 1,604 1,603 102 846 655 1 1,518 2,900 1,198 15,015 4

– Represents or rounds to zero. X Not applicable.

Amount received by local education agencies from the sales of bonds and

real property and equipment, loans, and proceeds from insurance adjustments.

Includes interest on school debt and other current

expenditures not shown separately.

Based on U.S. Census Bureau estimated resident population, as of July 1, the previous year,

except 1990, and 2000 population enumerated as of April 1.

Average daily attendance.

Source: National Education Association, Washington, DC, Estimates of School Statistics Database (copyright).

Jeb Bush: Accountability Is Working in Florida's Schools - WSJ.com

Accountability Is Working in Florida's Schools

In 1998, nearly half of its fourth-graders were functionally illiterate. Today, 72% of them can read.

By Jeb Bush

In November, voters in 37 states elected governors, most of whom are new to office. Job creation and economic growth will likely top the list of challenges these leaders will tackle first, and rightly so. But let's hope education reform is not far behind. Florida's investment in reform is already paying off.

Providing a quality education to every student will strengthen U.S. competitiveness in the world economy. The export of knowledge-driven industry is a far greater threat to our prosperity than is illegal immigration, which seems to dominate the news and political discourse. Without a pipeline of homegrown talent to fuel growth, the lure of cheaper labor, lower operating costs, and less government regulation outside the U.S. will be difficult to overcome.

An educated work force that attracts global investment also helps alleviate the problem of dwindling tax revenue and growing entitlements. Students who learn more typically earn more, spend more, invest more, save more—and pay more in taxes. According to the U.S. Census, a high-school dropout earns around $19,000 a year on average. A high-school diploma raises that average to $28,600. A college degree will nearly double your earning potential, to $51,500.

While preparing kids for college and careers starts on the first day of kindergarten, the first good indicator of their chances for success may come in fourth grade. That is when students transition from learning to read to reading to learn. A Manhattan Institute study found that students who can't read and yet are promoted fall further behind over time. Alarmingly, 33% of fourth-graders in America are functionally illiterate, according to the 2009 National Assessment of Educational Progress.

Yet failure does not have to be our destiny. Florida's experience in reform during the last decade gives us the road map to avoid this slow-moving economic calamity.

In 1998, nearly half of Florida's fourth-graders were functionally illiterate. Today, 72% of them can read. Florida's Hispanic fourth-graders are reading as well or better than the average student in 31 other states and the District of Columbia. That is what I call a real game-changer.

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Corbis

If Florida can do it, every state can. With 2.7 million students, Florida has the fourth-largest student population in the country. A majority of our public school children are minorities, and about half of the students are eligible for subsidized lunches based on low family income.

Success starts with a bedrock belief that all students can learn. All Sunshine State students are held to the same standards. As we had hoped, more and more are exceeding expectations.

Accountability must have a hard edge, which means that the responsibilities of educators must be clearly defined, easily understood and uniformly enforced. All students matter. No excuses.

Here is an example. For the last decade, Florida has graded schools on a scale of A to F, based solely on standardized test scores. When we started, many complained that "labeling" a school with an F would demoralize students and do more harm than good. Instead, it energized parents and the community to demand change from the adults running the system. School leadership responded with innovation and a sense of urgency. The number of F schools has since plummeted while the number of A and B schools has quadrupled.

Another reform: Florida ended automatic, "social" promotion for third-grade students who couldn't read. Again, the opposition to this hard-edged policy was fierce. Holding back illiterate students seemed to generate a far greater outcry than did the disturbing reality that more than 25% of students couldn't read by the time they entered fourth grade. But today? According to Florida state reading tests, illiteracy in the third grade is down to 16%.

Rewards and consequences work. Florida schools that earn an A or improve by a letter grade are rewarded with cash—up to $100 per pupil annually. If a public school doesn't measure up, families have an unprecedented array of other options: public school choice, charter schools, vouchers for pre-K students, virtual schools, tax-credit scholarships, and vouchers for students with disabilities.

Choice is the catalytic converter here, accelerating the benefits of other education reforms. Almost 300,000 students opt for one of these alternatives, and research from the Manhattan Institute, Cornell and Harvard shows that Florida's public schools have improved in the face of competition provided by the many school-choice programs.

Florida's experience busts the myth that poverty, language barriers, absent parents and broken homes explain failure in school. It is simply not true. Our experience also proves that leadership, courage and an unwavering commitment to reform—not demographics or demagoguery—will determine our destiny as a nation.

Mr. Bush, a Republican, was governor of Florida from 1999 to 2007.

Miami segregated

Access World News - Document Display

Miami segregated

Miami Herald, The (FL) - Tuesday, April 10, 2007

I am a student currently enrolled in the Honors College at Florida International University and I am one of four in a group which is researching the growing problem of racial segregation within Miami 's communities. Although Miami is well known for its cultural diversity, it consistently ranks among the top 100 most racially segregated cities in the United States.

Miami 's black-white dissimilarity index, which is a measure of the relative separation of ethnic groups across all of the city's neighborhoods, is presently a staggering 75.8. In other words, this indicates that 75.8 percent of Miami 's African-American population would have to re-locate to other neighborhoods occupied by whites (Hispanics included) in order for full integration to occur.

One need not be an expert in racial relations to see that ethnic isolation within our city's limits is a genuine problem which needs addressing. The effects of racial segregation have undoubtedly been felt throughout Miami 's metropolitan areas, with neighborhoods such as Little Haiti and Overtown suffering from seemingly insurmountable levels of economic disparity.

The suffering has become two-fold: not only are families finding it increasingly difficult to stay afloat in this sea of inequality , children are being subject to lesser educations than their counterparts in higher-income areas. The Dade-County school board has taken little action to ease the gap between such schools, often treating the problem as if it were non-existent.

Exemplary of this notion is the existing situation in the Little Haiti community involving Miami Edison Senior High School. For three consecutive years, the school has recorded an F grade on the Florida Comprehensive Assessment Test. Under the current system, Miami Edison's horrid performance on this exam has led it to experience a large reduction in government funding. Students often complain of overcrowded classrooms, a lack of computer labs, too few advanced placement classes, and textbooks which have not been replaced in ten years.

The school's situation is worsened by the fact that it cannot receive funding for renovation to its 79 year old structure. Miami Edison's retention rates have decreased significantly over the past few years in an area where only 9% of the population has a college education .

I feel that it is my duty as a concerned college student to make racial segregation a topic of discussion among those who read this newspaper. The issue has been regarded with apathy for too long, more so by those weary of memories of Miami 's racially torn past. By bringing the current situation into light, my colleagues and I wish to garner support in the struggle to end de facto segregation and integrate our society.

CHRISTOPHER ABIN, Miami

The Answer Sheet - What really helped Florida's test scores

In-depth coverage: Education Page | Why Read The Answer Sheet? | RSS | Jay Mathews's Class Struggle »

Posted at 12:02 PM ET, 01/ 7/2011

What really helped Florida's test scores

By Valerie Strauss

I've recently published a number of posts about school reform in Florida, which has been driven over the past decade by Jeb Bush, who was governor there from 1999 to 2007 and who still has a great deal of influence over education policy in the Sunshine State, and, increasingly beyond. Florida's reforms revolved around an expansion of standardized testing and choice (vouchers, charter schools, etc.), and it is these measures that are often given credit for a rise in scores on theNational Assessment of Educational Progress.

In this post, research analyst Michael Martin looks at what reforms really impacted the test scores. It is technical but then again, it's hard not to be when you are talking about test scores. Martin works for the Arizona School Boards Association; this post is his own work and not approved or endorsed by the association.

By Michael Martin
Many efforts to promote ideas taken from the school reforms in Florida often are a classic example of “truthiness,” defined as believing what one wants to be true instead of what is actually true.

Florida did achieve considerable improvements in student achievement during the last decade. But it is important to see when the gains occurred and where they occurred.

Florida had an overall Grade 4 reading score of 205.7 in 1998, which was almost the same as the 204.9 score in 1994 on the National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP) tests. The score in 2002 was 214.4, rising to 219.5 in 2005, and 223.5 in 2007, and 225.7 in 2009. Thus from a less than one-point change in 1998, Florida saw an almost 10-point change in 2002, a five-point change in 2005, a three-point change in 2007 and a two-point change in 2009.

Clearly something significant occurred to improve reading test scores in Florida between 1998 and 2002 that continued at a much lower level in subsequent years.

The No Child Left Behind Act could only have had a role in diminishing the gains, because its implementation occurred after 2002. Similarly, the voter-passed class size reduction initiative in Florida occurred in November of 2002. Mandatory Grade 3 retention was a law passed by the Florida legislature in 2002 and began in the 2002-03 school year. These reforms can only be associated with the declines in test score gains.

Averages can sometimes be deceptive. Looking at the NAEP scores marking the 10th percentile low end versus the 90th percentile high end provides an insight into what occurred.

Grade 4 reading scores at the 90th percentile went up 4 points from 1998 to 2002, but at the 10th percentile scores went up nearly 15 points. Thus the 10 point overall average gain in Grade 4 reading scores on the NAEP from 1998 to 2002 was primarily a gain at the lowest scoring levels, and Hispanic scores at the 10th percentile went up 19 points and African-American scores went up 17 points.

Something did happen in Florida in 1999 that specifically targeted low scoring students. In 1999 Florida created its “Assistance Plus” programtargeting additional resources at schools rated as “D” or “F” in student test scores.

In an October 2002 status report on the Assistance Plus program, it noted that 64 schools were targeted for managerial assistance, including training teachers for “Effective Reading Practices” and funding reading coaches as well as coordinating activities with local college Assistance Plus Teams. The status report noted that “over $25 million statewide” in fiscal assistance was provided to these 64 schools, or about $390,000 per school.

The state created regional school improvement facilitators who were assigned failing schools to work with. These failing schools were paired with higher performing schools to provide peer models and assistance. In addition, colleges provided research-based assistance for implementing school improvement programs.

The schools also began working with other community organizations and administered community outreach programs, including climate surveys in languages of the parents. The Achievement Plus program perfectly fits the time and target of when and where Florida’s test scores improved.

From 2002 to 2005 the gains at the lowest scoring levels in Florida continued. At the 90th percentile NAEP Grade 4 reading scores increased by only 3 points, but at the 10th percentile scores increased over 10 points, with Hispanic scores at the 10th percentile increasing almost 15 points and African-American scores increasing over 12 points.

It is likely that the de-emphasis of the Assistance Plus program in later years accounts for the diminishing increases in Florida reading scores in more recent NAEP tests.

After 2005, the 10th percentile Grade 4 reading scores continued to show improvement, but at about half the levels of previous years. In fact, 90th percentile scores in 2009 had actually fallen by about half a point, but 10th percentile scores increased over 5 points while the overall average increased only 2 points.

People who claim various programs were responsible for the improvement in NAEP test scores in Florida over the past decade must explain why their improved NAEP reading scores primarily occurred among the lowest scoring students while other student scores largely stagnated, and why those increases were most dramatic from 1998 to 2002, diminishing afterward.

Targeting the lowest scoring schools in Florida for funding increases through Assistance Plus also meant targeting these funds at low-scoring minority students, and low-scoring minority students had the largest test score improvements. It is the large increases in 10th percentile test scores that created Florida’s much touted reduction in the achievement gap between minorities and majority students.

Targeting additional resources toward increased management training and professional development among teachers dealing with the most difficult students to teach makes simple common sense. Helping schools and teachers dealing with significant problems in Florida by providing additional human and fiscal resources fulfills Occam’s Razor for the best explanation of Florida’s success over the past decade.

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